UNIVERSITY OF VAASA Faculty of Humanities Department of English Ulpu Tapanainen Translating Music and Sound – Foreignization and Domestication in the Translated Articles in Soundi Magazine Master’s Thesis Vaasa 2008 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 3 1 INTRODUCTION 5 1.1. Material 7 1.2. Method 9 1.3. The Finnish Music Magazine Scene 10 1.4. Soundi and Its Niche: Translating Music Articles 11 2 DOMESTICATION VS. FOREIGNIZATION 16 2.1. Target vs. Source 16 2.2. Magazine Translation: Studies in Finland 28 2.3. Strategies of Domestication and Foreignization 31 3 FOREIGNIZATION AND DOMESTICATION IN THE TRANSLATED ARTICLES OF SOUNDI MAGAZINE 38 3.1 Music Production 44 3.2 Music Styles 52 3.3 Technical Descriptions of Musical Equipment 61 3.4 Music in the Finnish Articles 66 4 CONCLUSIONS 70 WORKS CITED 76 Appendix 1: Order of the Articles 82 3 ______________________________________________________________________ VAASAN YLIOPISTO Humanistinen tiedekunta Laitos: Englannin laitos Tekijä: Ulpu Tapanainen Pro-gradu tutkielma: Translating Music and Sound – Foreignization and Domestication in the Translated Articles in Soundi Magazine Tutkinto: Filosofian maisteri Oppiaine: Englannin kieli Valmistumisvuosi: 2008 Työn ohjaaja: Jukka Tiusanen ______________________________________________________________________ TIIVISTELMÄ: Tämän tutkielman aiheena on suomalaisen Soundi-musiikkilehden artikkelien kääntäminen englannista suomeen. Tavoitteena on tutkia miten artikkeleissa esiintyvät englantilaisperäiset musiikkiin liittyvät sanat ja ilmaukset on mukautettu kohdekulttuuriin. Oletuksena on, että koska populaarimusiikin sanasto on alkuperältään englanninkielistä, se on myös vaikuttanut musiikista kertovien artikkeleiden kääntämiseen. Tämä on selkeimmin nähtävissä käytetyssä sanastossa. Taustalla olevan englannin kielellisen ja kulttuurillisen vaikutuksen myötä tarkastelussa on myös alkuperältään suomenkielisiä artikkeleita. Tämän vertailun tarkoitus on nähdä, eroaako englanninkielisten musiikkitermien määrä käännettyihin artikkeleihin nähden. Tutkimus pohjautuu Lawrence Venutin näkemykseen kotouttavasta ja vieraannuttavasta käännösstrategiasta, sekä Antoine Bermanin käsitykseen “vääristävistä taipumuksista”, jotka vaikuttavat käännöksen ymmärtämiseen. Taustalla on myös Soundin päätoimittajan, Timo Kanervan, haastattelu, jossa käydään läpi lehden käännösprosessia. Tutkimuksen materiaalina on 11 alkuperältään englanninkielistä artikkelia sekä niiden suomenkieliset käännökset, jotka ilmestyivät vuosina 2004–2005. Vertailuun on otettu mukaan 5 alkuperältään suomenkielistä artikkelia. Tutkimuksen tuloksista ilmenee, että käännösstrategiana on pääosin käytetty vieraannuttavaa metodia, jossa vierasperäiset sanat on siirretty kohdetekstiin kääntämättä. Suurin osa näistä lainasanoista on taivutettu suomen kieleen sopiviksi esimerkiksi loppuvokaaleilla tai sijapäätteillä. Pieni osa tekstistä on kotoutettu, pääosin sen takia, että lähdekielen teksti on ollut rakenteeltaan monimutkaista, ja kääntäjä on halunnut helpottaa kohdetekstin lukemista. Alkuperältään suomenkielisten artikkeleiden termistö vastaa käännettyjen artikkeleiden tuloksia; englannikieliset termit dominoivat tekstejä. Tuloksista voidaan päätellä, että kääntäjät ovat osittain halunneet selkeyttää kohdekielen lauseiden rakennetta, mutta silti säilyttää musiikkisanastolle tyypillisen englanninkielisen ilmeen artikkeleissa. ______________________________________________________________________ AVAINSANAT: English language, magazine translation, foreignization, domestication, musical terms 5 1 INTRODUCTION The presence of Anglo-American culture is visible in many areas of life; politics, economy and entertainment, to name a few. Perhaps the most visible part of that culture is the English language, which can be considered as a global language (Crystal 2003: 2), spoken throughout the world in different situations. It is also the leading language in advertising, movie, television, and popular music (Sajavaara 1989: 83). The music industry, in particular many music genres, relies on English; after all, the terminology of popular music originated in the English language. All major record companies have English-language origins (e.g. Columbia and HMV) (Crystal 2003: 101), and most of the post-Edison technical developments of the recording industry took place in the United States (100). The coming of modern popular music spread the English language around the world (102). The spread of English is also visible in many non-English music magazines, where the writers have decided to use an English expression instead of a domestic one. Words are like ideologies and clothing: fashion has an effect on them. Thus words are borrowed from a language or culture that is thought to be of high value, because a loaned word can feel more elegant and striking than a domestic equivalent (Sajavaara 1989: 70). For example, the continuous use of English in Finnish language, especially among youth culture, indicates that the appeal of today’s lingua franca still exists. This can be seen in various Finnish music magazines, such as Soundi, where English terms are used in various articles. The aim of this thesis is to find out how visible English is in the translated articles of the Finnish music magazine Soundi. This will be done by examining the musical vocabulary of the articles. The prime focus is on three music-related categories; music production, music styles and technical descriptions of musical equipment. The corpus of this study consists of 11 translated articles and five originally Finnish articles. The aim is to see how English has impregnated Finnish musical vocabulary. My hypothesis is that as English is the language of popular music, it has also affected the translation of related articles from English into Finnish. This is particularly visible in the terminology 6 of the articles. Against the background of English linguistic and cultural influence in Finland I will also study originally Finnish articles for English impregnation. This is to see if English terms are as numerous in the Finnish articles as they are in the translated articles; it would indicate that foreignized terms are, in reality, domesticated. Thus the two translation strategies relevant for this study are foreignization and domestication. Although Soundi magazine gives no specific guidelines to their translators, they still have distinct translation methods. These processes serve as additional background information for this study, and will be discussed in more detail in section 1.4. The theoretical background is based on Lawrence Venuti’s (1995) ideas on foreignization and domestication. Venuti (1–7) states that the translator has two methods he/she can choose from: either to keep the foreign elements in the translation and foreignize the text, or to replace them with domestic equivalents, and consequently domesticate the text. These strategies will be under closer scrutiny in chapter 2, section 2.1. Antoine Berman’s (1985, in Venuti 2004) views on the 12 “deforming tendencies” of domestication are also closely linked with this study, since six of them serve as the translation methods for the analysis. In addition to these, prior studies of similar topics link with the present study. Magazine translation has been studied previously by, for example, Suvi Melender in her 2003 Master’s Thesis “Localization and De-localization Through Omissions, Additions and Replacements in the Finnish Translations of Men’s Health and Trendi-Magazine Articles”, and Mirkka Sippola in her thesis “Magazine Translation. Domestication in the Articles in the Finnish Cosmopolitan”. Previous studies on the subject of English in youth magazines have been provided by, for instance, Doris Kunzelmann in her thesis “Ja rock’n’roll on cool juttu.” – Englanninkielisiä ilmauksia suomalaisissa ja saksalaisissa nuortenlehdissä. [”And rock’n’roll is a cool thing.” – English-language expressions in Finnish and German youth magazines.]. First I will take a closer look at the material of this thesis, and briefly discuss the Finnish music magazine market as well. Then the focus is turned on the translation conventions of Soundi magazine, a section based on the chief editor Timo Kanerva’s 7 interview from 2006. This is followed by the theory section, which focuses on domestication and foreignization, the two main translation strategies relevant for this paper. Previous studies on the subject of magazine translation and English influence in youth magazines will also be presented in brief, and their importance for this study is justified. The theory section will end in the introduction of Antoine Berman’s 12 deforming tendencies and my own application of those tendencies that are significant for the analysis of this study. The next section is the analysis of the translations. The paper will then end in conclusions. 1.1 Material The material consisted of 11 articles and their English translations, published in 2004 and 2005. For comparison I chose five articles originally written in Finnish 1 . Since Soundi has both Finnish articles and translated articles, and the Finnish articles dominate the magazine, I decided to take articles from the period of two years in order to acquire a large enough corpus. English articles were from year 2004 and 2005. All of the Finnish articles were from 2005. Ten articles were from British music magazines, Mojo and Q Magazine, and one in the American magazine Rolling Stone. Five of the chosen source (and translated) articles were features 2 (Nirvana, U2, Frank Zappa, Bob Marley and Green Day), and six were interviews (Kraftwerk, Tom Waits, Ozzy Osbourne, Iggy Pop, Morrissey and Rolling Stones). All of the five Finnish articles were interviews (of the following bands: Zen Café, Apocalyptica, Nightwish, Coldplay and Kent). The distinction between features and interviews is of some significance, because, in interviews the musicians’ “own voice” is shown and the text can introduce slang, jargon or dialect – the “attitude” of the interviewee ("attitude" in this sense means the words the interviewee uses: they may be jargon, slang or heavy dialect). As the chief editor of 1 From now on, the articles originally written in Finnish will be referred to as Finnish articles and the translations as translated articles. 2 A feature is an article which is not meant to report any breaking news, but to take an in-depth look at a subject, such as a band or a musician. Features are usually longer than, for example, news stories. (Wikipedia.) 8 Soundi magazine, Timo Kanerva (2006) points out, in cases like these the translator stays true to the original and also translates the “attitude”. Musicians are also likely to use musical terms quite elaborately, which makes the vocabulary more prominent in interviews than in features where the writer decides what text style and which terms to use. Since the whole musical vocabulary is too wide and diversified for a study like the present one, it has been narrowed down to three categories: music production, technical descriptions of musical equipment and music styles. The cases 3 range from single musical terms to lengthy phrases. The common denominator for the three categories is ‘music and sound’; all are somehow connected with the sounds that are produced when the instruments are played. Proper names, such as the names of bands, songs, albums, artists and studios, were excluded from this study, as they can be considered source- bound and are usually never translated. However, brand names, such as names of guitar makers (Marshall, Gibson, Fender) and other musical instruments (Theremin, Echoplex), were included, because they can be adapted to the target language and are thus of interest in this study. The category of music production includes the most common musical terms used in recording music (such as guitar, mixing, Theremin, pedal, sound). This category also includes terms that are used when playing live music (e.g. gig, set, backstage, soundcheck). The number of cases was 288. The category of technical descriptions consists of descriptions of the technical parts of musical equipment (e.g. to play guitar with a distortion box). For example, a distortion box cannot function on its own; it is not an instrument. But when it is connected to a guitar, it works, creating a specific sound. There were 56 cases in this category. The category of music styles includes the different music styles (such as mariachi music and heavy metal) used in the articles. The number of occurrences in this category was 66. 3 In this study the term ’case’ means the analysed translated examples. Another denominator is ’occurrence’, which is also used in this study. 9 All in all, there were 410 occurrences of the above categories in the articles; 265 of the cases were in the Finnish articles, and 145 in the translated articles. 1.2 Method The main purpose of this study has been to find out how the English music-related expressions have been translated in the articles of the Finnish music magazine Soundi. This has been done by studying the musical vocabulary of the articles; more specifically, the focus has been on music production, technical descriptions of musical equipment and music styles. The aim was to study the impregnation of English into Finnish primarily in the translated articles where the source text has been English; more precisely, to study how visible English is in the translations. The translation strategies that were of interest in the present study were domestication and foreignization. My hypothesis was that as the language of popular music is English, this has also affected the translation of related articles from English into Finnish. This, in turn, is particularly visible in the vocabulary, or the terminology, of the articles. Against the background of English linguistic and cultural influence in Finland I have also studied Finnish articles for English impregnation. The reason for this was to see if there was almost the same number of English terms in the Finnish articles; if this is the case, then it would mean that foreignization is in fact domestication (i.e. the English terms have been integrated into Finnish syntax, and have thus become “Finnish”). The theoretical background for this study included Lawrence Venuti’s views on foreignization and domestication, and Antoine Berman’s analysis on the destructive tendencies of domestication. The interview with Timo Kanerva, the chief-editor of Soundi, provided relevant background information for this study. The study was conducted in the following way: the source text cases of the three categories were paired off with the corresponding cases in the translations. In order to see whether there were any differences in the used translation strategies between the translated articles and the Finnish articles, the latter were also examined and compared with some of the cases taken from the translated articles. The strategies used in translating the examples of music production, technical descriptions of musical 10 equipment and music styles were identified in relation to six of Berman’s “twelve deforming tendencies” of domestication. The reason why only six of the tendencies were selected was the fact that Berman’s analysis is based on poetry and prose fiction, and thus some of the tendencies (e.g. destruction of rhythms) were not considered applicable to journalistic writing. The six chosen tendencies were rationalization, clarification, expansion, ennoblement, the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization, and the destruction of expressions and idioms. Examples from each of the three categories (music production, technical descriptions of musical equipment and music styles) were further categorized according to Berman’s tendencies. For example, if one of the cases in the category of ‘music production’ fulfilled the criteria for clarification, then it was concluded that it had been domesticated. If, however, it was not possible to fit an example to any of the above-mentioned tendencies, it was then concluded that it had been foreignized. However, as the afore-mentioned tendencies are so closely tied together (i.e. one tendency requires another to “happen” first), their individual criteria will be defined more clearly when Berman’s classification is discussed in more detail (from page 25 onwards). As a result the classification of the examples presented in the analysis section will become more understandable. 1.3 The Finnish Music Magazine Scene The Finnish music magazine scene is rather small; the dominant music magazines are Soundi, Rumba (focusing on topical issues in music), Inferno (focusing on heavy rock and metal) and Rytmi (focusing on music in general). Another type of music magazine is Riffi, which concentrates on music techniques and instruments. Rumba, Inferno and Rytmi all belong to the same publishing house Popmedia Oy [Popmedia Ltd], whereas Soundi belongs to A-lehdet Oy [A-magazines Ltd], the third biggest publishing house in Finland (Wikipedia), and Riffi is owned by Idemco Oy. The magazine Soundi was established in 1975, and its main focus has been on the field of rock music for over 30 years. Published monthly, the magazine includes features (i.e. 11 articles with an in-depth look at issues behind a news story) and interviews of musicians, both as translated articles and Finnish articles. It also offers the latest news in the field of music (e.g. news on a certain band's future album, tour or similar), as well as concert and album reviews. (http://lehtikauppa.a-lehdet.fi/lehdet.) The magazines that Soundi occasionally borrows articles from are very similar to it; the main focus of Soundi, Q magazine, Mojo and Rolling Stone is on music, which shows in numerous interviews and features of musicians and bands, and in album and concert reviews. According to the editor-in-chief of Soundi, Timo Kanerva (2006), the magazine has a contract with two of the three aforementioned foreign language magazines (Mojo and Q magazine) which allows them to choose any interview or feature from the magazines and translate them. Q Magazine, published monthly in the United Kingdom, is known for introducing the “Top 100” lists of albums, bands and concerts. It features interviews and extensive reviews on albums, concerts, films and radio. Q was first issued in 1986 by EMAP, a British media company, and it is said to have been modelled after Rolling Stone, the American popular magazine. (Wikipedia.) Another one of EMAP’s publications, Mojo magazine, was launched in 1993, following the success of Q magazine. Like Q, Mojo also appears monthly, but mainly focuses on classic rock music (i.e. “older” artists and bands such as Bob Dylan, Frank Zappa, The Beatles, etc.). Mojo is also known for publishing issues that are entirely devoted to one artist or genre. (Wikipedia.) Rolling Stone, the American popular magazine, has been appearing for over four decades and offers features on music, liberal politics and popular culture, issued every two weeks. Rolling Stone has been considered one of the leading promotional forces in American music culture, along with Music Television (MTV). (Wikipedia.) 1.4 Soundi and It’s Niche: Translating Music Articles The process of translating articles for a particular magazine consists of many different stages, starting from the selection of source text articles and ending with the publishing of the translated versions of those articles. In Soundi magazine the translated articles 12 may also undergo a radical change before they are published in the magazine. According to Timo Kanerva (2006), who has been the chief editor of Soundi for over 30 years, the most important reason for selecting an article, either Finnish or translated for the magazine, is the interest of the readers, who are mostly male students between the ages 20-29, living in bigger cities around Finland (Soundi’s reader profile 2006 4 ). In other words, the magazine only publishes articles that they think are of interest among their readership. However, the translated articles are only used when the magazine is not able to do an interview or a feature in Finnish. The motive for publishing translated articles is that Soundi aims at being a versatile magazine and wants to please the readers by publishing articles that are topical. (Kanerva 2006.) The topicality of the subject is, in fact, an important criterion in the magazine market. For example, Rumba, the competitor of Soundi, does not publish translated articles at all, which in the light of Kanerva’s thoughts of the importance of topicality, can be considered as a disadvantage. As Kanerva points out, most of the articles in Soundi are written and published when the topic is of current interest: for example, when a band has recently released a new record, or will be doing so in the near future, an artist is going on tour, etc. Only in special cases the magazine publishes articles that are not topical: for example, in December 2005 Soundi published a feature on Led Zeppelin, although there was no “topical” reason for it; that is, the band had not, for example, published a new album or announced new tour dates. (Kanerva 2006.) Soundi has bought rights for two British music magazines, Mojo and Q Magazine. This means that they can choose any article from either magazine, translate it, omit and add information (e.g. they can omit entire pages, or album reviews which appear in the original article, but cannot be fitted into the target version), and publish it with the acknowledgement of copyright in each translated article. According to Kanerva (2006), the decision behind the drastic editing is length: the articles, especially in Mojo, are sometimes up to 16 pages long, and as a result the translators need to shorten them 4 Soundi’s reader profile is available on the publisher’s website (the 2008 profile: http://mediaguide.a- lehdet.fi/taxonomy/term/239#lukijaprofiili), and provides detailed information on the gender, age, occupation and place of residence of the typical readers. 13 radically, because Soundi is usually only some 100 pages long. Occasionally the editor may even decide to leave an article out entirely because the translator has not been able to shorten it sufficiently; in other words, the translator has not been able to keep only the relevant information in the translation, thus failing to make the text readable and fluent enough. For example, an article about Kate Bush, published in Soundi in December 2005, was originally 14 pages long and was eventually reduced to a 7-page translation by Kanerva, because he felt that there was too much irrelevant information in the source text version. Kanerva stresses the fact that Soundi is a music magazine and information not related to music is usually omitted completely. (Kanerva 2006.) In the articles of this study such extreme omissions occur also, as many source paragraphs are deleted from the translations. For example, the translator has omitted all references to Mojo and the UK from the Tom Waits article, arguably because they can be considered source-bound elements. Although in both occasions the passages included music-related information (e.g. Mojo’s reporter asked Tom Waits when he was coming back to the UK on tour), the content of them would not have been that relevant to a Finnish reader. In addition to lack of space and irrelevance, another reason why a source text article is shortened is repetition: some of the source text information has been published before in the magazine. For example, an article about Led Zeppelin included a great deal of information that had been discussed in previous issues, and as a result the translator and the editor decided to omit that information and include only the sections where something new was introduced. However, this kind of omission of repetition depends on the article, and not all articles go through the same kind of process. (Kanerva 2006.) The editor is almost as important as the translator for the translation process in Soundi. Together they decide what to include in the translation and what to leave out. Most of the translation work is done by Petri Silas, who came to work for the magazine as a freelance translator over a decade ago. As well as translating music articles, he has also translated other music-related texts for Finnish music export. The magazine has an all male staff of translators, as, in addition to Silas, there are two more men who translate 14 articles: Antti Marttinen and Hannu Tervaharju, of whom the latter is a professional translator into Finnish. Occasionally the magazine employs students that have not yet graduated, but Kanerva emphasises the fact that they have always used professionals (i.e. people who have a degree in English or are studying English) as translators. Kanerva continues that although the magazine does not have any particular guidelines on how to translate, the translators know that, for example, excessive use of slang and dialect is not approved of, because they have been translating for Soundi for a long period of time and are familiar with the text style the magazine uses. Furthermore, the source text articles do not introduce much slang words or dialect either; however, if they do introduce them, it is usually because there is “attitude” in the words of the interviewee and the writers want to express it to the readers. In cases like this the translators try to stay in line with the language of the source text and also translate the “attitude”. Even though slang is not widely used in Soundi, there are articles where the translators use jargon common for music industry and music writing, because the textual context requires it. (Kanerva 2006.) For example, if an article is about the process of making music with different instruments and about the sounds that are produced, the translator is unable to leave out the technical parts from the text, because the text would then lose its purpose. Furthermore, much of the jargon in music vocabulary is based on English, so accordingly most of the expressions used in the translated articles in the present study are either English (e.g. ‘off-the-cuff’, Art.1.1: 48), “mixtures” of English and Finnish (e.g. ‘Unplugged’ -konsertti’, Art.1.1: 44), occurrences where a Finnish vowel has been added at the end of an English word (e.g. ‘riffi’, Art. 1.1: 46), or cases where the source word has been inflected (e.g. ‘rock’n’rollin’, Art. 10.1: ). Music writing is continuously evolving; some words lose their meaning and some even lose their entire existence in the field. For example, the Finnish word “biisi” [slang, meaning ‘song’] originally comes from the English word ‘piece’, written with ‘p’. The Finnish version of the word was “piisi” [song], but over time the Finnish music journalists began writing the word with ‘b’. Eventually that became the only right way of writing the word, and “piisi” disappeared from the vocabulary of music journalism. 15 In order to survive, magazines, especially music magazines, cannot always follow the same set of rules; divergence and further development is essential. For example, the magazine Soundi [slang, meaning sound] is always written with the letter ‘o’, and never with ‘a’. Even though the editor of Soundi has emphasised that the name is written with the letter ‘o’, the oldest editorial contributor to the newspaper Helsingin Sanomat [the news of Helsinki] still writes the name as ‘Saundi’ [sound], although the rest of the newspaper’s editorial staff writes it correctly. In a magazine, details like this must be decided upon in order to maintain the unity of style. (Kanerva 2006.) 16 2 DOMESTICATION VS. FOREIGNIZATION In this section I will discuss the theories which form the basis for the study of translation in Soundi magazine. The focus is on source-text and target-text orientation and the key concepts for this paper are thus the features of source- and target-text orientation, namely foreignization and domestication. The strategies and procedures are discussed below. 2.1 Target vs. Source Behind every translation there is a pre-existing text from another culture. This source text can have, for example, terms and expressions that the target text culture is unfamiliar with – the translator can, within certain limits 5 , decide what to do with them: to translate them to better the understanding of the target text readers, or to leave them as they are. It can be argued that the translator has a choice between two basic methods of translation, and, as Friedrich Schleiermacher states it (quoted in Venuti 2004: 49), he either “leaves the author in peace as much as possible and moves the reader toward him; or he leaves the reader in peace as much as possible and moves the writer toward him”. Schleiermacher was the first to introduce the terms ‘domestication’ (i.e. moving the writer towards the reader) and ‘foreignization’ (i.e. moving the reader towards the writer) in the 19 th century, and since then a number of scholars, such as Lawrence Venuti, Antoine Berman and Gideon Toury, have contributed to the discussion on these translation strategies. Foreignization and domestication both have their defenders and opponents; these points will be discussed next. In print journalism the reader is at the centre of attention; the published texts have to be familiar to those reading them. In magazine translation this is usually achieved by focusing solely on the target text: the translation is made to fit the needs of the target- text readers by minimizing its foreign elements as much as possible. The target-text 5 In this study these limits include, for example, instructions given to the translator on how to translate a text; in Soundi the editor and translator together decide what the target text version will contain and what is left out (Timo Kanerva 2006). 17 oriented approach, and especially domestication, the most important strategy of target- text orientation, is widely accepted in the publishing business. As Lawrence Venuti (1995: 1) states it A translated text, whether prose or poetry, fiction or nonfiction, is judged acceptable by most publishers, reviewers, and readers when it reads fluently, when the absence of any linguistic or stylistic peculiarities makes it seem transparent, giving the appearance that it reflects the foreign writer’s personality or intention or the essential meaning of the foreign text – the appearance, in other, words, that the translation is not in fact a translation, but the “original”. Fluency is an essential part of a domesticated text. A fluent translation does not unmask itself; the reader does not recognize the text as a translation. The more readable the translation, the more domesticated it is. This is what Venuti calls “the invisibility of the translator” (1997: 2). The translator re-writes the text as if it had been made in the target culture, using its values, beliefs and representations, thus concealing himself from the readers, and “bringing the author back home”. (18, 20.) More specifically, by avoiding, for example, foreign words (e.g. proper names, names of towns) slang, dialect and dated or special language (i.e. jargon), the translator produces a fluent and readable text, which is also accepted by the target language readers. Furthermore, the translator should use standard syntax, which is not too loyal to the foreign text so that fluency would be affected. (Venuti 1995: 4–5.) By disregarding the foreign elements, the translator avoids alienating the target text readers. However, as Susan Bassnett and André Lefevere see it, this act of domestication creates a “Holiday Inn -syndrome”; an illusion that there is no such thing as ‘foreign’, that all cultures are alike (quoted by Ritva Leppihalme in Paloposki & Makkonen-Craig, 2000: 102). This, in turn, might cause further misunderstandings, as readers familiar with only certain types of texts (i.e. domesticated) can assume that what they experience in their culture is also experienced similarly throughout the globe. An important part of domestication is the transparency of the translated text. As stated before, a transparent translation lacks linguistic and stylistic irregularities. Everything in the translated text gives the appearance that it is the original text of the foreign author. 18 All signs of a third party, a translator, have been hidden. According to Venuti, transparency is the dominant discourse in, for example, poetry, prose fiction and print journalism. However, the distinction Friedrich Schleiermacher made “between the field of commerce and the field of art and scholarship” has been worn out. Transparent texts are more consumable in the modern markets, and foreign texts that prevent transparency are rejected. (1995: 1, 116.) The rejection is usually due to fear of low interest among the readers. Cultural acceptance is, in fact, one of the most important parts of domestication. When the aim is to produce translated texts that can be integrated into the target culture as unnoticeably as possible, the source texts are sometimes altered to such an extent that the translator ”becomes the author”; the text does not follow the same path as the original, but has become an independent text. Faithfulness to the source text becomes less important, when the target readers expect their reading experience to be as smooth as possible. This method is perhaps most visible in magazine translations, and as it is thought to benefit the readers and thus also benefit the magazines when more and more people buy them, even radical modification of the source text is accepted. Since the significance of the source text decreases in domestication, the translator has more choices on how to translate a text. There are several different translation strategies in domestication. For instance, Peter Newmark (1988) states that strategies such as adaptation, free translation, idiomatic translation and communicative translation all emphasise the importance of the target language. Newmark argues that adaptation is mostly used for plays and poetry, where the themes, characters and plots of the source text are generally maintained, but the source culture is changed to target culture, and the text is rewritten (1988: 46). However, in this study adaptation will be briefly examined on the word-level, rather than on content-level. Words, such as “biitti” [beat] (Art. 4.1: 52) and “viba” [vibe] (Art. 1.1: 47) can be considered as adaptations, as they are rewritten to better fit Finnish grammar and syntax. Free translation is longer than the original, a rewording of the source text, and thus “not translation at all” (1988: 46). Idiomatic translation uses colloquialisms and idioms “to distort the nuances of meaning”, but preserves the ‘message’ of the original text. Communicative translation, 19 in Newmark’s view, fulfils the two main aims of translation; it is accurate and economic. Its content and language are written in such a way that the contextual meaning of the original is reproduced, but the text is still readily acceptable and comprehensible to the readership. (1988: 47.) Journalism contains suitable material for communicative translation, as it is mainly concerned with the receptors. “Journalistic” translations, such as the articles of this study, are addressed to “the second reader, who does not anticipate difficulties or obscurities, and would expect a generous transfer of foreign elements into his own culture as well as his language where necessary”, although the translator still has to respect the source text on its form, which is the “the only material basis for his work”. (Newmark 1977, in Chesterman 1989: 118, 124–125.) On the other hand, Newmark also points out that if the text contains “original expression, where the specific language of the speaker or writer is as important as the content”, it has to be translated semantically (125); that is, the translator makes an effort to reproduce the conceptual meaning of the author (Newmark 1982: 22). However, it can be argued that many of the strategies introduced by different scholars are, in fact, the same, but with diverse names. Newmark’s “free translation” has similarities with Antoine Berman’s (1985, in Venuti 2004: 282) “expansion”; both strategies lengthen the target text. Other approaches include pragmatic strategies, like additions (i.e. an explanation is added to the target text to help the readers understand it better), omissions (i.e. a foreign expression, be it a name or a cultural term, is deleted from the target text for the same reason as in adding text: to better the understanding of the target readers) and replacements (i.e. a foreign term, unknown to target readers, is replaced with a more familiar term from the target culture) (Toury, quoted in Gentzler 1993: 126). In addition to the afore-mentioned strategies, Berman (1985, in Venuti 2004: 280) lists twelve “deforming tendencies” for domestication. These tendencies are of particular interest in this paper and will be discussed later on. Nevertheless, translations, whether domesticated or foreignized, have an effect on the receiving culture. As Toury (1997: 27) argues, “translation activities and their products not only can, but do cause changes in the target culture”. Target culture is ‘missing’ 20 something, and that something can be found elsewhere – hence the ‘missing’ texts are brought to the target market as translations and introduced to a new set of readers. This can be seen in Soundi too. The translated articles have been originally published in foreign, British and American, magazines, so it could be argued that it is only natural that they reflect the values and beliefs of the Anglo-American culture. However, as the dominant cultures (e.g. Anglo-American) successfully inflict their cultural values and beliefs to marginal cultures (e.g. Finnish), they themselves shun such inflictions and are mostly interested in target-text oriented and fluent translations, because the readers of the target (and dominant) culture can identify their “own culture in a cultural other” in the translations. (Venuti 1995: 15.) This is called an "ethnocentric" view of domestication: you view “the cultural other” according to the assumptions of your “own culture”. In other words, you consider your own culture superior to those of others, in all aspects (e.g. religion, language). Helen Kelly-Holmes (2005: 18) states that this ethnocentrism is particularly visible in the world of commercials and advertisements where foreign words are taken out of their original context and "domesticated for commercial purposes". This can also be called “domesticated foreignness”; for example, an Italian product (Dolmio) advertised to the British advertisee is not actually Italian, but a British idea of an Italian product (2005: 17). However negative the notion of ethnocentrism might be, these views of, for example, language and religion, serve as definitions for one's cultural identity. On the other hand, ethnocentrism, most noticeable in domesticated translations, can be considered to impoverish one's language; if all foreign words are replaced or omitted, what remains is a representation of one's own language, not an "actual" translation of a foreign work. Kelly-Holmes continues that the reader should come into contact with foreign words so that the distorted view of “a monolingual world” would disappear (2005: 14). New and foreign words ought to be considered as enrichments, not threats. For some languages foreign words are, nevertheless, hard to root. Languages such as French are considered “closed”, as they rarely allow foreign-origin words to be introduced into their vocabulary. The preservation of French has been taken to greater 21 lengths than that of other languages; for example, due to Toubon Law 6 radio stations in France must devote certain amounts of airplay to French-language music only. However, French words are successfully integrated into different languages, such as English, which can be considered as an "open" language. Many of the words considered as English have their origin in French language (e.g. critique, encore, souvenir). Finnish can also be called an open language; it does not restrict the use of foreign words. However, it should be kept in mind that, as Kelly-Holmes points out, “the notion of being open to foreign words may vary over time, and it is not a fixed truism that certain languages are and always will be open to foreign words” (2005: 15). Thus for example Finnish may become less open to foreign words in the future. There have already been signs of a less positive attitude towards the integration of foreign words in Finland. In recent years, several researchers and linguists have shown their concern for the growing impregnation of English into Finnish (Hiidenmaa 2003; Jaakko Anhava 2000, 2004). Pirjo Hiidenmaa argues that the range of usage of Finnish is predicted to narrow, as English is used increasingly in Finland, especially among youth culture. The English used is not, however, typical English, but a sort mixture of Finnish and English, “suomienglanti” [Finnish-English], which is not pronounced, used, nor most likely even understood elsewhere. Furthermore, this Finnish-English cannot be introduced to non-Finnish speakers without translation. (Hiidenmaa 2003: 74, 75, 77.) Hiidenmaa’s Finnish-English can be considered as a modern version of Finglish 7 . In both cases, English words are, to some extent, adapted: for example, the Finglish word ‘plänketti’ or ‘länketti’, derives from the English word ‘blanket’ (Sahlman 1949). A 6 Toubon Law, officially known as " law 94-665 of 4 August 1994 relating to usage of the French language", came into operation in 1994, when the former culture minister of France, Jacques Toubon, decreed that to protect the French heritage and nurture the French culture, French language was to be used in official government publications, advertisements, the workplace, commercial contracts, schools, etc. The law was slightly altered in 2000, but still holds its ground in France. The full English version of the Toubon Law can be found at: http://www.culture.gouv.fr/culture/dglf/lois/loi-gb.htm. 7 The term “Finglish” was first introduced in the 1920s by Professor Matti Nisonen at Suomi College in Hancock, Michigan. Finglish is a mixture of Finnish and English, and it is mostly spoken between Finnish speaking immigrants and English speakers in the United States and Canada. Jenni Tuominen from Tampere University has studied this phenomenon in her paper: “In Finglish the English lexical items are nativized and inserted into the framework of Finnish syntax and morphology.” (http://www.uta.fi/FAST/US1/P1/RSV/jt-fingl.html.) Another type of Finglish was formed in Finland, and is most noticeable in the area of popular culture. 22 more modern word, ‘softa’ originates from the English word ‘software’ (Hiidenmaa 2003: 96). The Finglish verb ‘hengata’ has its origins in the English verb ‘hang’ (Tuominen 1997); this form is used even today, especially among the youth. Other thriving Finglish forms are ‘chillata’ (to chill), ‘tsekata’ (to check out), ‘relata’ (to relax), and ‘saundata’ (to sound) (Art. 4.1: 54). Some forms of Finglish can be seen in Soundi too. As Timo Kanerva (2006) states, sometimes the translator has to use English-based words, or jargon, in the articles, if the textual context of the source text so requires. The message and “feel” (i.e. the atmosphere) of the source text stays consistent, if the content is not altered significantly and similar words are used in both texts. However, heavy use of Finglish forms in translated articles can result in a less fluent text, making it hard for the reader to follow the line of thought. This is one of the reasons why the translators of Soundi avoid unnecessary use of jargon (Kanerva 2006), and in most cases attempt to either explain the specialized language or remove them from the text altogether. But even though print journalism, as well as other publishing formats, mostly favours fluency and domesticated texts, foreign elements and expressions are nonetheless also present in magazines, most noticeably in music magazines like Soundi. According to Kolehmainen (1981), music, especially pop music, is one of the main channels promoting English language integration into Finnish; this would suggest that the use of foreign words in Finnish translated articles is more a norm than an exception. Moreover, Hiidenmaa predicts that the time of domestication is, in some ways, over. Although the aim is to produce texts that fit well into the Finnish culture and world of texts, all means of domestication are not used any more. For example, in Paavo Cajander’s translation of The Merry Wives of Windsor (by William Shakespeare), the merry wives use Finnish dialects. (2003: 101.) It could be argued that the use of domestication is valid if the focus is mostly on the target readers and their expectations. If, for example, it is expected that the target text readers are not too familiar with anything outside their own culture (e.g. small children), then domestication is perhaps the best way to get the message across; it is easier for the children to identify themselves with the story. However, as Ritva Leppihalme (in 23 Paloposki & Makkonen-Craig, 2000: 90) states, if a respected source text is stripped of those elements which at the very deepest level attach it to the source culture, or if those elements are replaced with others, translating it would be rather useless. If the readers are not interested in the world where foreign texts are born, why are those texts translated? From early on, the strategy of foreignization has had its firm believers. In his writing Schleiermacher has expressed the importance of “the foreign” in one’s culture and language: “…our language, … can most vigorously flourish and develop its own strength only through extensive contact with the foreign” (in Venuti 2004: 62). Similar thoughts are presented by Lawrence Venuti (1995, 2004), who criticizes the English- speaking cultures' preference of target-text oriented translations over those of the source-text. He states that aggressively monolingual countries, such as the United Kingdom and the United States, are more receptive to the familiar than the foreign, which is also seen in the publishing business, where the attention has been on bestsellers, and not on “risky books”, like translations. (1995: 14.) However, Kelly- Holmes argues against this by stating that the UK and the United States are not actually monolingual at all; in fact, multilingualism does well in both countries, mostly among immigrants and non-native minority groups (2005: 16). Nevertheless, the rest of the world associates English language dominancy with both countries. Nevertheless, the translator’s role is, in Venuti’s view, a little problematic: a translator is considered to be successful in his task only if the translation is fluent and the translator himself invisible. Furthermore, translators are underpaid because their status as authors is not fully recognized. (1995: 15, 17.) In this light it could be argued that in order to succeed, the translator has to stay invisible, and also be prepared to be paid less for the efforts. The translators’ struggle to stay in the business leads to a more dominant role of domestication in the field of translation, thus diminishing the value and demand of foreignized texts. A foreignized translation tends to give the reader more information than a domesticated one. According to Venuti, the foreign features, be they linguistic or cultural ones, are 24 kept also in the translation, creating “an alien reading experience” for the target audience, and sending them abroad. The cultural codes existing in the target language may not exist in the translation; thus a foreignized translation deviates from native norms. (1995: 20.) The translator does not attempt to conceal himself from the readers when producing a foreignized text, unlike in a domesticated translation. From the very beginning of the text, the reader is aware that there has been a mediator between two texts, and what he/she is reading is not the original work of the author, but the translator’s interpretation of it. However, Gideon Toury (1980) points out that in order to achieve “acceptable translations in the target culture”, faithfulness to the source text is not of major importance (quoted in Gentzler 1993: 127). Therefore it could be said that in foreignization loyalty to the original text is more important than re-writing it to be more familiar to the target audience and its culture. Thus, for example, the foreign proper names are left in the text, although they might not mean anything to the audience of the receiving culture. It is left for the reader to understand the unfamiliar elements in the text. According to Leppihalme, in cases like this where the reader’s comprehension of the translation might be at stake, the translator has to consider how much the reader can get out of a particular passage in a text. If there is a possibility for the message not getting through, the translator also has to consider what translation strategy might produce the desired meaning or effect. In her study Leppihalme (1997, 2000) uses the term ‘culture bump’ to indicate passages where the words have been translated, but not the meaning; on the background there is an allusion, more or less generally known, which refers to some other text, knowledge or belief that lies in the source culture (2000: 99). The allusion to the source culture fails to express a rational meaning to the target text reader, leaving him or her confused (1997: 3–5). Thus, in choosing foreignization the translator can also increase the difficulty of understanding, as expressions and elements unfamiliar to the target text readers are often too close to one another in the text, which makes reading even more demanding (Tymoczko 1999: 21). If a translator has used the strategy of foreignization in a case where the source text is completely bound up in the culture of the source language, the 25 message of the original may be entirely lost to a reader who is not familiar with the source culture. In his discussion of transference Newmark (1988: 82) argues that foreign equals elitist: In regional novels and essays (and advertisements), cultural words are often transferred to give local colour, to attract the reader, to give a sense of intimacy between the text and the reader – sometimes the sound or the evoked image appears attractive. … Unfortunately such terms are often transferred for snob reasons: ‘foreign’ is posh, the word is untranslatable. Although Newmark agrees that transference “shows respect for the SL country’s culture”, he still maintains that the translator’s job is to explain, to make people understand, not to use “vogue-words” (82). It could be argued that foreignized translations are directed towards those who are familiar with the two languages concerned, whereas domesticated texts are for a larger audience that does not share the same amount of knowledge of the source culture. Kelly-Holmes points out that this is true only in the industrialized world, as “the vast majority of the rest of the world grows up bilingually if not multilingually” (2005: 16). In her view such comments reveal “an underlying cultural resistance to ‘foreign words’ and a related resistance to foreign languages”, since they seem to indicate that foreign words are not used in everyday life, but “to show off”. However, she also mentions that foreign words in a translation may lead to the idea that ‘our’ language is simple, whereas ‘their’ language is so complex that it cannot be translated. (2005:15.) The idea of “infecting” one’s own language with the foreign is a question of tolerance – as stated before, some languages are more open to foreignness than others. Nonetheless, it is possible to see foreignization as an implication of higher education or even superiority (Kelly-Holmes 2005: 16). But it can also be seen as an “easy way out”; the readers might think the translator has not taken the trouble to translate the text entirely, and has resorted to leaving foreign elements in the text simply out of laziness, or lack of time. However, the strategies of domestication and foreignization are not so clear-cut. No translation is precisely domesticated or foreignized; all translations make a compromise between the two. Although Venuti (1995: 19) states that all texts are 26 inevitably domesticated to some degree in the translation process, it is the translator who in the end decides whether he/she wants to take that domestication a step further or leave the foreign elements in the text. Venuti also continues to support Schleiermacher’s views and stresses the importance of the foreign by stating that a foreignized translation can be “a form of resistance against ethnocentrism and racism, cultural narcissism and imperialism” (1995: 20). This ‘resistance’ is most noticeable in the concept of “abusive fidelity”, by Philip Lewis (quoted in Venuti 1995: 23). Abusive fidelity directs the translator to look at the source text, see what is exceptional there and then try to recreate that uniqueness in the translation. According to Venuti it resists fluency, but also “challenges the target- language culture even as it enacts its own ethnocentric violence on the foreign text” (1995: 24). He encourages translators to reproduce the features that indicate linguistic and cultural difference (Gentzler 2003: 17); more precisely, Venuti’s attraction is on “poststructural strategies that foreground the play of the signifier, puns, neologisms, archaisms, dialects, satire, fragmented syntax, and experimental forms”, which, according to Gentzler, all produce translations that are fragmented and less consistent (17). Venuti’s preference of foreignization and attack against domestication has been criticized by many scholars and linguists. For example, in his reviews of Venuti’s The Translator’s Invisibility (1996) and The Scandals of Translation (1999), Anthony Pym draws attention to the fact that Venuti’s “most powerful arguments” are merely ideas about “what cultures should be and how languages should be used”, and they have very little to do with translation itself (1999). He also questions Venuti’s use of strong words, such as ‘threat’ and ‘violence’, when discussing translation. Pym states that Venuti assumes translation to be a threat to everything, from traditional linguistics to religious institutions (1999), and describes translation in terms of violence (1996: 166), which, for Pym, is too severe. In addition, Venuti’s view on fluent translation is too narrow; he considers it to be a characterization of Anglo-American (English) culture, but Pym argues that the translator’s invisibility in any one culture is not automatically connected with the low percentage of translations, as fluent translations appear in other cultures 27 too, not only in Anglo-American culture (1996: 170–171). Pym himself suggests that the reason why Anglo-American culture prefers fluent translations is in the fact that, according to Toury’s law, when the translated text comes from a dominant, or highly prestigious, culture (e.g. British) and the target culture is marginal, or minor (e.g. Finnish), the “tolerance of interference” usually increases (1996: 171, examples my own). Thus it should not be a great surprise if Anglo-American culture prefers fluent translations; it is one of the most prestigious cultures in the world. As stated before, this also suggests that foreign elements used in marginal cultures, like Finnish, are usually thought to enrich the culture, and thus their use is encouraged rather than criticized. Riitta Oittinen’s (2000, in Paloposki&Makkonen-Craig: 279) thoughts are along the lines of Pym: because Venuti’s views are based on English language, his analysis does not hold its ground when texts are translated from English into Finnish. She continues that another problem in Venuti’s analysis is the role of the reader: it is of secondary importance. Venuti seems to care very little of the types of text or translation the readers actually want to read (279). Furthermore, Oittinen, together with Outi Paloposki (2002), questions Venuti’s views on the “moral superiority” of foreignization by stating that domestication and foreignization can both produce similar results. On the other hand, in a different situation the use of the same strategy can produce quite different results (in Anna Mauranen 2004: 128). For example, it is possible that a foreignized translation describes a foreign tradition in a respectful manner, but when used in a different case, the same strategy may produce an unintentionally humorous or even insulting passage. Whether the used translation strategy is domestication or foreignization, neither of them can be called merely “good” or “bad” translation strategies. The translators have different means to give explanations for their use of the chosen strategy. According to Leppihalme (2000: 101), the use of forewords or epilogues can be a useful way to tell the readers why the translator has opted for certain principles in the translation process. Furthermore, if the literary critic knew what the translator’s starting points and aims were, it would help to evaluate the success of the translation, and the decision to brand the translation as simply “good” or “bad” could also be justified more thoroughly. However, possibilities to comment on one’s strategic choices are somewhat limited, 28 because the use of forewords, introductions or epilogues is not possible in all fields of translation. For instance, it is very likely that translators of magazine articles are not able to justify their use of a particular strategy in the beginning of an article. Whatever the case may be, both domestication and foreignization are practical strategies for translating magazine articles. This can be seen from the various studies made on the subject; a few of them will be discussed below in more detail. 2.2 Magazine Translation: Studies in Finland Magazine translation has been the subject of several studies at the University of Vaasa. Most of the theses were conducted by examining what strategies had been used to translate the articles in different Finnish magazines (e.g. Cosmopolitan, Men’s Health, Trendi [Trend], Valitut Palat [Reader’s Digest]). The theses have all been based on Venuti’s views of domestication and foreignization. The findings appeared to be unanimous: the translated articles had gone through even radical editing, and almost all traces of foreign expressions had been removed. The most common strategy had been domestication. In her Master’s Thesis “Magazine Translation. Domestication in the Finnish Cosmopolitan”, Mirka Sippola (2001) found out that source text elements, such as certain brand names and place names, were omitted from the translated articles of Cosmopolitan. Omissions were, in fact, the most frequently used strategy of domestication in the articles. At times the decision to omit information was purely editorial: the source article was too long and in order to fit the translated article to the magazine, it had to be edited. Also the out-of-datedness of a text was one reason for omitting information from the translation. (41–50.) Additions were used, for example, to enhance cultural proximity (i.e. the staff of the Finnish Cosmopolitan added information which was culturally salient to Finnish readers – this piece of text did not appear in the American version), or to clarify something (e.g. a place name which had special meaning or history in the source culture but would have been lost in translation). (33–41.) To avoid the revelation that there was originally a different readership for the 29 article, the original expression was sometimes replaced with a target one. American measurements (inch, feet) were replaced with Finnish ones (meter), and English proper names were changed to Finnish. (51–63.) Sippola concluded that the aim of the domestication in the Finnish Cosmopolitan was to make the translated articles appear similar with the rest of the material in the magazine. The aim of Sirpa Valtonen’s MA Thesis “Transplanting the Foreign. Localization in the Translation into Finnish of Articles in the Magazine Valitut Palat” [Reader’s Digest] (2002) was to find out how the originally English articles were adapted to the target culture; more precisely, how the translators had used exclusions, additions and replacements to achieve localization (i.e. target culture connections are increased in the translations) and to ensure the understanding of the target audience (3). Again, the findings showed that culture-specific and foreign expressions, such as brand names, names of institutions, books and magazines, were excluded (32–42), and additions were made to define or describe something that was thought to be unfamiliar to the target readers. For example, Time magazine was thought to need the definition “uutisviikkolehti” [weekly magazine containing news] (43), and ‘G-suit’ was described in more detail by the translator, as there was no description in the original (49). Some culture-specific Anglo-American expressions (e.g. proper names and measurements) were, yet again, replaced with more familiar target culture equivalents (53–69). The conclusion of the thesis was that the translators had used the strategies to adapt the translated article to the target culture. Suvi Melender (2003) in turn, studied the localization and de-localization (i.e. in the translated articles of Men’s Health and Trendi [Trend]. The thesis “Localization and De-localization Through Omissions, Additions and Replacements in the Finnish Translations of Men’s Health and Trendi –Magazine Articles” aimed to analyze the omissions, additions and replacements found in the translated articles. The assumption was that localization and de-localization (i.e. foreign, culture-specific details are reduced and neutralized in the translations) is achieved through these pragmatic strategies (4). The conclusion was that both magazines used omissions, additions and replacements as translation strategies. The pattern is similar with the other thesis’ 30 findings: foreign proper names, as well as brand and place names were mostly omitted (40-76). As in Sippola’s thesis, some of the decisions to delete information from the articles were editorial; the translated articles were to appear similar with the rest of the magazine articles (61–62). Additions were made for either editorial reasons (e.g. the addition of new information, or translator’s comments), or they were additions related to Finnish society (e.g. increasing the “Finnish connection” by adding Finnish culture- related words, such as ‘sauna’, into the text) (76–78, 95). Again, in the case of replacements, the foreign measurements were replaced with Finnish ones (100), and some national days (‘Thanksgiving’) were replaced with more familiar holidays (‘juhannus’ [Midsummer]) (108). As can be seen, all studies had similar findings; domestication was the primary local translation strategy, and omissions the most used translation strategy within domestication, followed by additions and replacements, respectively. There were numerous reasons for omitting, adding or replacing information: the readership’s assumed knowledge of the subject, the out-datedness of the text, foreign culture- specificity, or the wish to publish similar articles in one magazine, among other things. It can be argued that these decisions to edit the source text were mostly based on the readers’ expectations of each magazine and the decisions of the magazine staff. The strategies of omissions, additions and replacements seem to be the most common ones used in magazine translation. Another related study was Doris Kunzelmann’s (2004) thesis “Ja rock’n’roll on cool juttu.” – Englanninkielisiä ilmauksia suomalaisissa ja saksalaisissa nuortenlehdissä” [“And rock’n’roll is a cool thing.” – English language expressions in Finnish and German youth magazines]. She studied the use of anglicisms (i.e. words borrowed from the English language) in two youth magazines, namely Finnish Suosikki [“Favourite”] and German Bravo magazine. The findings showed that both magazines used anglicisms in many different situations (e.g. direct quotes, headings, captions), although their share of the total of words was rather small (3–5%). Anglicisms were mostly integrated into Finnish and German (e.g. ‘band’ turned into ‘bändi’ in Finnish, ‘chill’ into ‘chillen’ in German), but some of the words were also transferred directly (e.g. 31 ‘cool’, ‘happy’) (2004: 3). She states that the reason non-English youth magazines use English language is in their desire to promote the magazine’s image as “open, trendy and international” (6). Also the admiration of the American culture and their dominant role in the entertainment industry is one more reason for the use of anglicisms. However, both Suosikki and Bravo have reduced this usage of foreign terms, because they either want to nurture their own language or they are concerned that the readers might not understand the meaning of such words. (2004: 7.) The studies and findings are of interest in the present thesis as well, because the material and strategies are similar to the afore-mentioned. However, there are also some differences: firstly, the hypothesis is not that the translated articles of Soundi have been domesticated, but that they have actually been foreignized, although domestication is more visible in magazine translation; secondly, in this study the main interest is directed from the pragmatic strategies of additions, omissions and replacements, and also from the study of anglicisms, towards another set of domesticating strategies; namely, Antoine Berman’s twelve tendencies of domestication, which will be discussed next. 2.3. Strategies of Domestication and Foreignization Domestication and foreignization can be called global strategies; they affect the whole text (e.g. how to translate dialect). Local strategies refer to problems at the micro-level of the text (Séguinot 1989, quoted in Jääskeläinen 1993: 115), and are used within the global strategy, be it domestication or foreignization. These strategies form the basis for translations. The local strategies discussed in this chapter are domesticating; they can, however, be used reversely for foreignization. If an example fulfils the criteria for any of the below local strategies, it is in that case domesticated. If an example cannot be fitted into any of the strategies, it can be concluded that the example is then foreignized. Antoine Berman (1985, in Venuti 2004) has developed twelve “deforming tendencies” that can be linked with domestication: rationalization, clarification, expansion, ennoblement, qualitative impoverishment, quantitative impoverishment, the destruction of rhythms, the destruction of underlying networks of signification, the destruction of 32 linguistic patternings, the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization, the destruction of expressions and idioms, and the effacement of the superimposition of languages. He examines the “system of textual deformation” that is present in all translations, preventing them from being trials of the foreign. He calls this system “the analytic of translation”. (278.) However, Berman, as well as Venuti, applies his strategies to prose fiction; thus, certain reservations have to be kept in mind, since the material for this study is journalistic articles. Some of the strategies can be, nevertheless, applicable to magazine translation as well. In his views Berman is distinctly “Schleiermacherian”: he states that translation is the “trial of the foreign”, but in a double sense: the aim is to reveal the foreign work, the original, to the readers “in its utter foreignness”, but as the foreign work is moved away from its own culture, its own language context, translation becomes a “trial for the Foreign” as well. (276.) Berman continues that the deformities in translation can be found in any language, be it English, Spanish or German; only certain tendencies may be more highlighted in one culture than in the other (280). In other words, these tendencies unavoidably affect all translations, and will be discussed next in more detail. Berman's first tendency, rationalization, is a rearrangement of sentences “according to a certain idea of discursive order”. It reassembles sentences and the sequence of sentences, starting with punctuation, which is the “most meaningful and changeable element in a prose text”. This means making the source text “pass from concrete to abstract”, and can also be done by translating verbs into substantives. For example, the French language does not readily approve of long sentences or sentences without verbs. Marc Chapiro, the French translator of the Brothers Karamazov by Dostoyevsky, has stated that Dostoyevsky’s heavy style creates an almost insoluble problem to the translator: the reproduction of the “bushy undergrowth” of Dostoyevsky’s sentences is impossible, despite the richness of their content. (Cited by Berman in Venuti 2004: 280.) This type of rationalization deforms the original. (280–281.) The second tendency, clarification, is a result of rationalization, which mostly concerns the level of clarity noticeable in words and their meaning. It aims to render clear what is 33 not meant to be clear in the original. According to Berman, clarification is innate in translation, “to the extent that every translation comprises some degree of explicitation”. (281.) Both rationalizing and clarifying require expansion, which is often called “overtranslation”. Berman’s expansion means lengthening: every translation has a tendency to be longer than the original. In Berman’s view “the addition adds nothing”, but it flattens the text. (282.) Ennoblement is based on producing more “elegant” sentences than in the source text, while using the source text as “raw material”. It is a procedure active in both literary field (where it is called either “poetization” or “rhetorization” for poetry and prose respectively) and human sciences, where the produced texts are readable and “rid of their original clumsiness and complexity so as to enhance the “meaning” ”. Ennoblement can be considered as only a rewriting of the original, an imitation. (282– 283.) Qualitative impoverishment means replacing terms, expressions and figures of the source language with those of the target language that lack their sonorous or “iconic” richness. According to Berman, a term is iconic when “it creates an image”; in other words, when we perceive that the word (e.g. butterfly) bears a resemblance with the actual object (butterfly). (283.) When a translation contains less signifiers than the source text, this refers to a lexical loss. This is what Berman calls quantitative impoverishment; the signifiers are replaced with other words. Berman provides an example of a Spanish source text which uses three different synonyms for ‘face’. These synonyms mark the word as “an important reality” in the work, and translating all of them as ‘face’ would mean a loss. (283.) Although rhythm is used more in poetry than in prose, a novel is not less rhythmic than poetry. Rhythms can be destroyed by deforming translation; more specifically, by distorting, for example, the punctuation of the original. Berman gives an example of the 34 destruction of rhythms, where the original text by William Faulkner included only four marks of punctuation, whereas the translation had somehow obtained twenty-two. Thus the typical rhythm of Faulkner’s work had been destroyed. (284.) The literary work contains a hidden aspect, a subtext, which lies beneath the “surface” of the text itself. There “certain signifiers correspond and link up, forming all sorts of networks”. To be more precise, the original authors have avoided certain words on purpose, they have left them unsaid; however, the translators have often inserted them in the text. This is what Berman calls the destruction of underlying networks of signification. (284–285.) The systematic nature of the text is destroyed by rationalization, clarification, expansion, etc., when elements excluded by the text’s essential system are introduced. This results in a more homogeneous, but also a more incoherent translation than the original. Berman calls it a “patchwork” of the different kinds of writing the translator has used. A textual analysis of an original and its translation shows that the discourse of the translation is asystematic, but in a way that is not obvious. It is hidden by the linguistic patternings of the original. This is the destruction of linguistic patternings. (285.) As Berman sees it, the origin of all great prose is in the vernacular language. Thus the effacement of vernaculars can be seen as “a very serious injury to the textuality of prose works”. The destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization may be a matter of wiping out diminutives in Spanish, Portuguese, German or Russian, or it may involve replacing verbs by nominal constructions. The traditional way of preserving vernaculars is to exoticize them, either by using italics to separate what is not in the original, or by highlighting “the vernacular according to a certain stereotype of it”. It can also be linked with popularization, where the foreign vernacular is translated with a target text vernacular. However, an exoticization that “turns the foreign from abroad into the foreign at home” will, in the end, only ridicule the original. (285–286.) In this particular study, vernacular means “the normal spoken form of a language” (The Merriam- Webster Dictionary), or either dialect or slang. 35 Prose fiction is full of images, expressions, figures and proverbs that originate partly from the vernacular. Most of them express a meaning or experience for which exists “a parallel image, expression, figure or proverb in the other languages”. However, the replacement of an idiom by its target language equivalent is, in Berman’s view, an ‘ethnocentrism’, even if the meaning is identical. The end result of this replacement will be the absurdity, for example, where the characters of the English-written novel Typhoon 8 (by the Polish novelist Joseph Conrad) “express themselves with a network of French images”. In Berman’s view, searching for equivalences is not translation, but the destruction of expressions and idioms. (286–287.) Here an idiom means a well-known phrase, expression or proverb, for example ‘more haste, less speed’ (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary). According to Berman’s twelfth and final tendency, the effacement of the superimposition of languages, the superimposition of languages in a novel involves the relation between dialect and a common language, a koine, or the coexistence of several languages, or koines, in a text. The relation of tension and integration that exists in the original between the vernacular language and the koine, among others, tends to be effaced. The preservation of both the vernacular and the koine is a problem for translators. On the other hand, Thomas Mann’s novel The Magic Mountain and its French translations are, for Berman, fascinating examples of heteroglossia, or diversity of languages: In the German original the main characters Hans Castorp and Madame Chauchat both communicate in French. The young German’s French is different from that of the young Russian woman, and in the translation these two varieties of French are in turn framed by the French of the translator, Maurice Betz. According to Berman, this is the kind of success to which all translators of a novel should aim at. (287–288.) Berman further points out that the analytic of translation must be distinguished from the study of "norms", as the "norms" do not concern translation specifically, but any writing practice. He continues that all afore-mentioned tendencies produce the same result: a 8 Typhoon was first published in the British Pall Mall Magazine in series from January to March 1902. Its first book publication was in New York by Putnam in 1902, and it was also published in Britain as Typhoon and Other Stories by Heinemann in 1903. (Wikipedia.) 36 more fluent text than the original. In these cases "they are the destruction of the letter in favour of the meaning". Furthermore, the aim of the analytic of translation is to emphasize the "other essence of translating", meaning literal translation, which is, in fact, presupposed by the analytic of translation. (288.) Berman’s in depth descriptions of the “deforming tendencies” are useful for comparing domestication and foreignization, more than Venuti’s accounts of the strategies, since Venuti does not provide detailed examples. Yet not all of Berman’s tendencies are of use for this study. For example, as the articles are neither poetry nor fictional prose, the destruction of rhythms is not taken into account. Also, quantitative impoverishment, the destruction of linguistic patternings and the destruction of underlying networks of signification are not of relevance here, as they are as well more prose-related than “universally” applicable. The following tendencies are of particular interest in this study: rationalization, clarification, expansion, ennoblement, the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization, and the destruction of expressions and idioms. Although the main focus will be on the afore-mentioned tendencies, signs of other tendencies may also be found in the translations, and they will be briefly mentioned. Additionally, in this study the tendencies are not viewed as negatively as Berman perceives them; more precisely, they are considered as accepted domestication strategies, although Berman’s description of the tendencies is “deforming”. Moreover, it can be argued that nearly all of the tendencies relevant for this study involve “adding something”; the target text has “something” (i.e. additional words with or without meaning) that did not appear in the source text, making the translation longer than the original and revealing something extra. Furthermore, most of the tendencies seem to be so intertwined that it becomes almost impossible to clearly categorize translated sentences according to them. As clarification involves expansion, and as it is also a result of rationalization, it can thus be concluded that different tendencies may be present in one translated case (e.g. a sentence may include both expansion and rationalization, and even clarification). To clearly define the strategies for this study, Berman’s tendencies will be slightly edited as follows: a case fulfils the criteria for rationalization if a verb is added to a translation of a verbless 37 source text clause. Clarification aims to render clear the concealed meaning of the original text by adding an explanation after the foreign expression or word; expansion can either merely lengthen the text or add something to it (that is, in this paper the “add nothing” has a counterpart, add “something”, which can mean the replacing of the foreign expression with a domestic one); ennoblement produces more readable texts by ridding them from their original complexity and/or enhancing the meaning; the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization means replacing the foreign vernacular with a local one; and the destruction of expressions and idioms is the replacement of common source language idioms and expressions with target language equivalents. The common nominator for these tendencies is the preservation of “the meaning” of the text; that is, the text can be rewritten and edited when translated, but the original meaning is still preserved. In the following section the focus is moved from the theoretical view of translation processes to the actual products, the translations. 38 3 FOREIGNIZATION AND DOMESTICATION IN THE TRANSLATED ARTICLES OF SOUNDI MAGAZINE The present study has examined how English impregnation has affected the translations in Soundi magazine; more specifically, how the English music-related terminology has been translated in the magazine articles. The music-related occurrences were divided into three categories: music production, technical descriptions of musical equipment, and music styles. The material contained 11 translated articles, as well as five Finnish articles for comparison. There were 410 analysed occurrences altogether; 145 in the translated articles and 265 in the Finnish articles. After the music-related categorization, the cases were further divided according to six of Antoine Berman’s twelve deforming tendencies for domestication; namely rationalization, clarification, expansion, ennoblement, the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization, and the destruction of expressions and idioms. The cases varied from single words to lengthy expressions. Proper names (such as the names of bands, songs and artists) were not included in this study, but brand names (such as Marshall and Theremin) were included, as they are sometimes adapted to the target language. The strategies and findings are discussed in more detail in this chapter. First the division of the music-related cases and their further division into Berman’s domestication tendencies is presented in figures and tables. The translated cases are discussed in three main subchapters; more specifically, they are divided according to the three music- related categories (music production, music styles and technical descriptions of musical equipment, respectively). The foreignized cases are discussed first, after which the changes (i.e. the domesticated cases) are discussed in order of frequency; the most common tendency is examined first, followed by the less recurrent tendencies. Then the focus is turned to the music-related cases in the Finnish articles, and a few examples are compared with the cases in the translated articles in order to see whether there is any difference in the used vocabulary. Motives for possible changes, as well as for non- translated elements, will also be suggested. In the discussion, the articles providing examples will be referred to as Art.1, Art.2, et cetera, in the order in which they were analysed (e.g. Art. 1: 45). The number after the colon marks the page from which the 39 example was taken. The translated articles will be referred to as Art.1.1, or Art. 2.2. A full list of the order of articles is provided in an appendix. The examples that are analysed in more detail will be referred to as Ex.1, Ex.2, et cetera. The first passage is from the source text, the second from the translation and the third my own translation. In the Finnish articles the first extract is from the Finnish article and the second is my translation. In some of the examples part of the text is highlighted in italics; this means that that particular passage is in examination. The following figures show the percentages of the translated music-related occurrences in each category. Figure 1 illustrates the percentage of cases in each music category, with the total number of cases shown in parenthesis. Figure 2, in turn, shows the percentage of the foreignized cases, and Figure 3 illustrates the amount of cases that were domesticated according to Berman’s classification. The total number of occurrences is also shown in parenthesis. 43,4 % 37,3 % 19,3 % 0,0 % 5,0 % 10,0 % 15,0 % 20,0 % 25,0 % 30,0 % 35,0 % 40,0 % 45,0 % 50,0 % music production (63) music styles (54) technical descriptions of musical equipment (28) Figure 1: Music-related cases in the translated articles. 40 66,7 % 70,4 % 64,3 % 61,0 % 62,0 % 63,0 % 64,0 % 65,0 % 66,0 % 67,0 % 68,0 % 69,0 % 70,0 % 71,0 % music production (42) music styles (38) technical descriptions of musical equipment (18) Figure 2: Foreignized music-related cases in the translated articles. 34,0 % 25,5 % 21,3 % 10,6 % 4,3 % 4,3 % 0,0 % 5,0 % 10,0 % 15,0 % 20,0 % 25,0 % 30,0 % 35,0 % 40,0 % enno blem ent ( 16) expa nsio n (12 ) ratio naliz ation (10) clarif icati on (5 ) the d estru ction of v erna cula r net work s/ex oticiz ation (2) the d estru ction of e xpre ssio ns a nd id ioms (2) Figure 3: Music-related cases domesticated according to Antoine Berman’s tendencies. The numbers in Figure 1 show that from the total of 145 music-related cases, 63 (43,4%) belonged to the category of ‘music production’. ‘Music styles’ was the second biggest category, including 54 cases (37,3%). Last category, ‘technical descriptions of musical equipment’, contained 28 occurrences (19,3%). From Figure 2 it can be seen 41 that the majority of the translated cases were foreignized; the total number was 98 occurrences out of 145 (67,6% of the translated total). In addition to finding out the number of music-related occurrences, the aim was to see whether the cases in the translated articles were domesticated or foreignized. Thus they were analysed according to Berman’s classification of domestication. As stated previously, if a case fitted into one of the six categories relevant for this study, it was domesticated. If it did not fit any category, then it could be concluded that it was foreignized. Figure 3 illustrates that 47 out of the total 145 cases were domesticated: the biggest “deforming tendency” category was ennoblement (34,0% of the domesticated total), followed by expansion (25,5% of the total), rationalization (21,3%), clarification (10,6%), the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization (4,3%), and the destruction of expressions and idioms (4,3%). A more detailed analysis of the domesticated cases showed that most of the occurrences came from the category of ‘music production’; it provided 21 examples (44,7% of the domesticated total), while ‘music styles’ had 16 cases (34,0%) and ‘technical descriptions of musical equipment’ had 10 (21,3%). Table 1 illustrates how the translated cases fall into the domestication classification. Ennoblement Expansion Rationalization Clarification The destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization The destruction of expressions and idioms Music production 7 5 6 3 0 0 Music styles 5 4 2 1 2 2 Technical descriptions of musical equipment 4 3 2 1 0 0 Table 1: Translated cases according to Berman’s domestication classification. As these figures and tables indicate, most of the expressions are foreignized. Some of them are nevertheless still domesticated to appear more familiar to the target reader. In this study various domesticated cases were adapted in each of the three categories. 42 However, before the music-related terms and phrases will be analysed in more detail, the boundary between domesticated and foreignized terms needs to be clarified. In this study a term is domesticated, when it is, for example, clearly a Finnish equivalent (e.g. ’äänentoisto’ for ’PA’ (Art. 7: 45)), or adapted (e.g. ’mikkiständi’ for ’mike stand’ (Art. 4: 63; Art. 4.1: 54)). Adaptation is considered to be domestication, because the form of an adapted term has been modified to better fit Finnish lexicon; for instance, for a Finn, the word ’biitti’ (Art. 4.1: 52) is arguably easier to pronounce than its original equivalent ’beat’ (Art. 4: 56). In turn, a term is foreignized, when it is, for example, a direct loan from the source text (e.g. ’backstage’ (Art. 7: 47), or inflected (e.g. ’heavya’ for ’heavy’ (Art. 10: 42; Art. 10.1: 37)). Inflected terms are considered foreignized, because their form is the same as in the original: the translator has not attempted to translate them, but has, however, still partly modified the terms to fit the Finnish sentence structure. Example 1, taken from the article ‘Back With A Bang’, illustrates how some of the terms were adapted. In the provided passage the Rolling Stones’ guitarist Keith Richards was asked about the band’s music: Ex. 1: How do you know when a song sounds like the Stones? (Art. 4: 60) Miten tiedät milloin biisi saundaa Stonesilta? (Art. 4.1: 54) How do you know when a piece sounds like the Stones? The words ‘biisi’ [piece] and ‘saundaa’ [sounds, from ‘to sound’] are adapted to Finnish. As Timo Kanerva stated (see page 8), ‘biisi’ comes originally from the English word ‘piece’, which means ‘kappale’ in Finnish. The word ‘saundaa’, inflected in the third singular form of Finnish, can be considered as an alternative for the word ‘soundata’ [to sound]; it can be written with either ‘a’ or ‘o’. Although the English source text words, ‘song’ and ‘sounds’, have equivalents in Finnish (i.e. ‘laulu’ for ‘song’, and ‘kuulostaa’ for ‘sounds’ or ‘to sound’), the translator has decided to use the more colloquial forms, which are used extensively in music writing. Other similar cases 43 included ‘viba’ (Art. 1.1: 49) for ‘vibe’ (Art. 1: 47) and ‘miksaus’ (e.g. Art. 2.1: 47) for ‘mix’ (Art. 2: 71) Most of these cases seem to derive from pronunciation: for example, the pronunciation of the English word ‘drive’ (Art. 8: 74) is \drīv\ (or \draiv\); this form is almost the same as in the written Finnish translation, ‘draivi’ (Art. 8.1: 45). However, more common adaptations, such as ‘rokki’ [rock], which can be considered as a fixed expression in the Finnish language (i.e. it can be found from dictionaries for foreign words, such as Suomalaisen sivistyssanakirja), were used in only one of the translated articles (Art. 10.1: 38), although they appear otherwise commonly in music writing. Many of the translated cases were also inflected; that is, a Finnish inflection, such as - ksi (translative), -sta (elative) or -iin (illative), was attached to the end of the word. The inflected English words were not, however, adapted; that is, their original English form was kept also in the translated articles, and as said, therefore they can be considered as foreignized expressions. There were also expressions which had both domesticated and foreignized features in the same sentence (i.e. one musical term was adapted, but the next was inflected or directly transferred from the source text). Additionally, some short source text paragraphs and pages had been deleted from the translations. Most of the deletions concerned the bands’ or artists’ album history: the source texts introduced short reviews of the band’s or artist’s previous albums, and those reviews were not present in the target texts. This is in line with what Kanerva (2006) stated about the topicality of a subject; album reviews are not considered of current interest in Soundi, unless they are of new albums or old albums being republished. Thus such “out-of-date” information was deleted. The rest of the omissions concerned the source culture: as the source texts were mainly of British origin, some of the questions the interviewers had asked were bound to the British culture (e.g. “When is the band coming back to the UK on tour?” (Art. 9: 46) or “Which is the best British venue the band has played in?” (Art. 5: 70)). Accordingly, such information was omitted from the target text, because it was not considered to be of interest to the readers. 44 All in all, the translator (and editor) had omitted information from each of the 11 articles. The omitted texts introduced 68 cases which could have been categorised according to the three music-related categories: 40 of the cases were music production- related, 21 music styles-related and 7 were technical descriptions of musical equipment. However, most of the cases were the same as those appearing in the translations; that is, the deleted passages introduced only a few terms (e.g. ‘prog guitar music’ (Art. 8: 79)) that did not appear in the target texts. The following subchapters discuss both the domesticated and foreignized cases in more detail, starting from the category with the most cases: music production. 3.1 Music Production The category of ‘music production’ included terms used in recording and playing live music (such as mixing, pedal, sound, Theremin, Echoplex, soundcheck, and backstage). The number of examples in the translated articles was 63 and varied from single words to lengthy sentences. As mentioned, some of the cases were adapted, and thus domesticated, but there were also cases that were inflected; that is, their original form remained the same, but a Finnish inflection was added at the end of the word. These cases can be considered foreignized, because the translator has kept the English form of the terms, and only inflected them to better fit the Finnish grammatical structure. There were 42 foreignized cases in the ‘music production’ category, which was over double the amount of domesticated cases; 38 of these cases were inflections, such as the following short illustration from the Rolling Stones article where Ron Wood talks about his different ways of playing the guitar: Ex. 2: They’ll play me the song, then they’ll play it again for me to play on, and I’ll do my thing: a lick here, a lick there, sometimes bring in the slide. (Art. 4: 64) 45 He soittavat biisin minulle, sitten he soittavat sen uudestaan jotta soitan sillä ja teen juttuni: likki sinne, likki tänne, toisinaan otan mukaan sliden. (Art. 4.1: 55) They’ll play the song to me, then they’ll play it again so I can play on it and do my thing: a lick here, a lick there, at times I take the slide in. In Finnish music terminology, the word ‘slide’ does not have a domesticated equivalent; thus it is mainly referred to in its original form, which is then integrated into the Finnish sentence structure with an inflection (here the case ending (-n) is a genitive-like accusative). Most of the used inflections are, in fact, case endings (e.g. -ssa, meaning ‘in something’ (inessive case) or -sta/stä, meaning ’from something’ (elative case)). Furthermore, ‘slide’ is a descriptive term, as it conveys the meaning of the actual action: the term comes from the way a guitar is played; that is, the different pitches are created by sliding a metal or glass pipe, called a bottleneck, against the strings (Ervola 2001: 191). The word ‘lick’, on the other hand, has been adapted to Finnish by replacing the “foreign” alphabet (‘c’) with a more domestic one (‘k’). The adapted form ‘likki’ seems to be a common expression; it appeared in five of the translated articles. Other foreignized cases included ‘soundcheck’ (Art. 7: 51, Art. 7.1: 45) ‘Unplugged’ (Art. 1: 44, Art. 1.1: 46) and ‘backstage’ (Art. 7: 51, Art. 7.1: 45; Art. 10: 43, Art. 10.1: 39), the former of which was used both in its original form and as inflected (‘soundcheckissä’ [in soundcheck]), and the two latter ones inflected (‘backstagella’, [Finnish adessive case ending (-lla) of ‘backstage’], and ‘Unpluggediin’ [to Unplugged]). One case referred to a name which was given to a project the artist (Frank Zappa) had been working on; the source text form of the name was used in the translation as well: Ex. 3: What Zappa called “The Project/Object” knitted together orchestral works, scabrous novelty songs, marathon guitar solos, studio-brewed musique concrete… (Art. 3: 46) 46 Oli kyseessä sitten orkestraalista työtä, rivoja kupletteja, maratonin mittaisia kitarasooloja, studiossa laadittua musique concreteä... Zappalle se kaikki oli osa yhtä suurta kokonaisuutta nimeltä “Project/Object”. (Art. 3.1: 35) Whether it was about orchestral work, vulgar comic songs, marathon length guitar solos, studio-developed musique concrete… For Zappa it was all part of one big entity called “Project/Object”. The foreign expression ‘Project/Object’ can be considered as a proper noun, since it is the name given to a specific project, and written in capital letters. The translator has not rendered it as, for example, ‘Projekti/Objekti’ [Project/Object], because foreign proper nouns are normally used in their original form. Another foreignized case concerned a verb: the word ‘remaster’ (Art. 7: 51) was simply translated as ‘remasteroida’ (Art. 7.1: 43), meaning the reproduction of a recording which aims at improving the sound quality (Dictionary.com). Another, more common, version of the same word is the “semi-translation” ‘uudelleen masteroida’ [remaster], but this was not used in the translations, maybe due to length restrictions; that is, it was possibly too long to fit the target text space, which is an important factor in magazine writing. Three of the foreignized occurrences were citation loans 9 ; the words were not translated nor inflected, but direct borrowings from the English source text. The next extract was also taken from the Rolling Stones article; Keith Richards was analysing Mick Jagger’s skills as an instrument player: Ex. 4: He’s also a good drummer – not in a technical sense. But he’s got a good beat, good feel. (Art. 4: 60) 9 citation loans (also known as direct loans) are words and phrases that are entirely foreign; they are written and usually also pronounced as in the source language, but in practice the pronunciation is partly or sometimes even completely adapted to Finnish usage, meaning that only the writing of the citation remains the same as in the original. However, it has to be born in mind that this division is made by linguists and may not be in line with that of an average language user. (Paula Sajavaara 1989: 97.) 47 Hän on myös hyvä rumpali, ei tietenkään teknisessä mielessä. Mutta hänellä on hyvä beat, hyvä ote. (Art. 4.1: 53) He is also a good drummer, of course not in a technical sense. But he’s got a good beat, a good touch. Here the translator has used the source word ‘beat’, although only a few lines before the same word had been adapted to Finnish (‘biitti’). The driving force behind the decision to use the English word may be the fact that this text is a direct quote from Keith Richards, and contains his thoughts, or “attitude”, as Timo Kanerva (2006, see page 8) puts it; sometimes the meaning is in the words per se, and to copy that meaning also into the target text, the translator has to stay true to the source language. In this example the word ‘beat’ is central: Mick Jagger is a good drummer, because he has a ‘good beat’. Because both the writer and the translator quoted Richards directly, the use of English music-related jargon in the translation can be considered as motivated. Although a foreignized translation is thought to give more information than a domesticated one, because of the foreign cultural and linguistic expressions, most of the domesticated cases provided more information than there was in the source text; meaning that something was added to the translation. Most of the additions were explanatory. Additions are one means to increase the fluency of the translations, as they seek to improve the understanding of the target readers. The domestication strategies relevant for this study, specifically ennoblement, expansion and clarification, refer to additions, and, as stated earlier, can be seen as “entwined tendencies”, since one tendency (e.g. clarification) almost always requires another (e.g. expansion). Although considered only as a rewriting of the source text (Berman 1985 in Venuti 2004: 283), ennoblement is based on an attempt to produce more readable material than the original. At times the sentences of the original text may be too complex, so the translator makes an effort to rewrite them to improve the meaning of the text. As stated previously, there were 21 domesticated cases. Ennoblement was the biggest domestication strategy in the music production category, with seven cases. In all of the cases the translator had either combined or separated 48 sentences in the target text to make the text more readable. In the article ‘The Father Of Invention’, Frank Zappa’s character is under scrutiny: Ex. 5: Though he once said that he’d be happy to go on the road with nothing between his guitar and amp except an on-off switch, he favoured heavily- processed tones, was always on the look-out for new gadgets, and was, in fact, using a wah-wah pedal before either Hendrix or Clapton. (Art. 3: 50) Vaikka mies joskus sanoikin, että hän lähtisi kerrankin mielellään rundille siten, ettei kitaran ja vahvistimen välissä olisi kuin on/off-nappula, hän suosi raskaasti prosessoituja soundeja. Hän myös metsästi lähes maanisesti uusia vimpaimia. Ja jos historiaan vielä katsahdetaan, havaitaan Zappan itse asiassa käyttäneen wah-wah-pedaalia jo ennen Hendrixiä tai Claptonia. (Art. 3.1: 38) Although he one time said that for once he would love to go on tour with nothing between his guitar and amp but an on-off switch, he favoured heavily-processed sounds. He also had almost a manic drive to find new devices. And if we have a look at history, we will see that Zappa had, in fact, used the wah-wah pedal even before Hendrix or Clapton. The translator has not simulated the lengthy sentence structure of the original text, but has decided to separate sentences. The original text had three distinct sentences, which the translator has separated with full stops. The text has become easier to follow, as the amount of punctuation is decreased. This example was judged as domesticated based on the sentence level translation, although there were words (‘on/off’, ‘wah wah’) that were not translated at all. The expression ‘on/off’ is commonly used in Finnish music writing, and is rarely translated at all. One could argue that the use of the Finnish version ‘päällä/kiinni’ for ‘on/off’ is considered clumsier and less specialised (i.e. less credible than the English counterpart), and is used mostly in official documents, such as device manuals. The expression ‘wah wah’, in turn, has always been referred to in its original form, as it does not have an equivalent in Finnish dictionaries. According to Oxford’s Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, the phrase ‘wah wah’ comes from the “effect which is achieved on electric instruments (especially the guitar), and which varies the quality of the sound”. Furthermore, ‘wah’ can be considered as an onomatopoetic word, since it sounds like a human voice repeating the syllable ‘wah’ (Ericson 1975: 72). Other 49 examples included also a different kind of text revision: in some of the interviews the text was almost completely rewritten in the translation, because the sentence structure in the source text was somewhat chaotic, containing colons, exclamation marks, dashes and short words such as ‘yeah’ and ‘ok’ in one short section. The translator enhanced the fluency of the translation by rewriting the text and removing all complex and unnecessary elements that did not affect the meaning of the text. The second biggest domestication strategy was expansion, containing five occurrences. Berman calls expansion as “overtranslation”, where the added text “adds nothing” but only lengthens the text (1985: 282). However, in this study expansion does not only lengthen the text, but it can also add “something” to it; this was visible in the Frank Zappa feature article. In the following example the discussion was on Zappa’s accomplishments as a rock artist: Ex. 6: …the pioneer of extreme tape editing who did things with a razor which were impossible for everybody else until some thoughtful soul invented the sampler. (Art. 3: 46) Tämän lisäksi hän oli radikaalin editoinnin pioneeri, joka teki varttituuman nauhalla ja partaveitsen terällä leikkauksia, joihin kukaan muu ei pystynyt ennen kuin joku ajattelevainen sielu lopulta keksi ja rakensi laitteen nimeltä sampleri. (Art. 3.1: 34) In addition to this, he was the pioneer of radical editing, who, with a quarter inch tape and a razor blade, did cuts that no one else was capable of until some thoughtful soul invented and built a device called the sampler. Most additions were only small details of information that are added to, for example, one sentence. Here, the translated example provides more detailed information to the reader than the source text version. For example, the words ‘varttituuman nauhalla’ [with a quarter inch tape] did not appear in the original, they were added to the target text. The translator has not translated the text literally, but edited it by specifying the exact tools Frank Zappa used to produce his trademark editing. The meaning of the original is still the same, but the information given in the target text is more detailed. 50 Other cases with additions included explanations of place names: For example, the British source article of the Green Day interview mentioned that the band would soon be playing at the ‘Milton Keynes bowl’ (Art. 5: 70). In the target article the translator had added an explanation, saying that Milton Keynes is a famous arena in England (Art. 5.1: 50). As place names are typically culture-bound, they have less meaning for those outside that particular culture. When an explanation is added to the target text, the readers will be able to understand the message similarly to the source text readers. Sometimes the sentence structure of a translation can differ from the original on the level of words: for example, the source text sentence does not include a verb, but the translator has added a verb to the target text to make the text more comprehensible. This kind of “rationalization” appeared in five of the translated cases. The following example was taken from the Nirvana article, and talked about the different songs the band had been practising and recording: Ex. 7: Dave/Acoustic+Voc, one of the early versions of the Foo Fighters’ February Stars (with different vocals), the song’s mellow feel heightened by Novoselic’s harmonium playing. (Art. 1: 47) Dave/Acoustic+Voc on varhainen versio Foo Fightersin sittemmin levyttämästä raidasta February Stars. Laululinja eroaa lopullisesta, ja biisin välitöntä tunnelmaa korostaa Kristin soittama harmooni. (Art. 1.1: 49) Dave/Acoustic+Voc is an early version of the song February Stars, which was later recorded by Foo Fighters. The vocals differ from the final version, and the easy-going atmosphere of the song is highlighted by Krist’s harmonium playing. All of the “rationalized” cases were similar to this example: the source text did not contain a main verb, and one was placed in the target text. Here the word ‘one’ was not translated, but replaced with the Finnish verb ‘on’ [is]. Source sentences such as that of example 4 seem somewhat illogical on their own, but in this study they only appeared in so-called lists; that is, the source text listed different songs one after the other, including a short presentation of each, and separated them with a semicolon (;). Although the 51 target text also listed the songs, it did not follow the style of the source text, as the translator had decided to omit the semicolons and add main verbs into each case. When analysing the source texts, it became clear that these kinds of lists were used regularly. At times the translator had decided to copy the style and separate the listed items with a semicolon (two cases), and other times he had used either verbs (two cases), or a substantive (one case). Again the meaning of the text remained the same, but the method was slightly different. At times the source text can have a hidden meaning. In clarification, which is the result of rationalization, the translator seeks to “open” that hidden meaning by explaining it to the target readers. Clarification was the strategy in three of the translated cases, as seen in the following example, which discusses the band Kraftwerk’s tour equipment: Ex. 8: With an almost invisible PA system of gut-churning, heart-programming power… (Art. 7: 51) Yhtyeen PA, äänentoisto, on keikoilla lähes näkymätön, mutta pumppaa silti ilmaan mahaavääntäviä taajuuksia ja hurjaa volyymia. (Art. 7.1: 45) The band’s sound reproduction is almost invisible on gigs, but it still pumps out stomach-turning frequencies and fierce volume. The source text phrase ‘PA system’ is specialised language, the abbreviation PA coming from ‘Public Address’, and referring to the electronic amplification system that transfers the sound from the performers to the audience (Musician’s Friend: PA System Buying Guide); more precisely, it means the microphones, loud speakers, amplifiers, mixers and cables (among other things) that are needed in performing live music. It can be argued that for readers who have little or no background knowledge in music in general, or in music terminology in particular, ‘PA system’ has few connotations. In order to minimise the strangeness of the original, the translator has clarified the meaning of ‘PA’ by adding a Finnish description (‘äänentoisto’) after it. As Newmark has pointed out, the translator’s duty is to make the target text more accessible to the reader (1982: 128). Meaning is thus given priority, and fluency is improved. The other two cases included 52 brand names, which were clarified in the translations: for example, the name ‘Synclavier’ (Art. 3: 46) was clarified to refer to ‘syntetisaattori’, a synthesizer (Art. 3.1: 34). Although the translator could have omitted the brand name altogether and simply called it with its general term (i.e. synthesizer), he had decided to leave it in the target text. One reason for this could be the fact that similar devices are available in Finland too, but with different brand names. The explanation was added to help the readers understand the message better, but it did not reduce the foreign elements in the text, it only clarified their meaning. 3.2 Music Styles The category of ‘music styles’ consisted of terms that refer to different styles of music, such as heavy metal, mariachi music and baroque’n’roll. The number of cases was 54; 16 domesticated cases, and 38 foreignized. Over two thirds (73,7%, 28 cases) of the occurrences were inflected, and thus foreignized. The original form of ‘rock’n’roll’ was used several times, but it was also inflected to, for example, ‘rock’n’rollia’ [Finnish partitive case of ‘rock’n’roll’] and ‘rock and rollin’ [Finnish genitive case of ‘rock and roll’] (Art. 10.1: 38). In fact, the common adapted Finnish form, ‘rokki’, was found in only two translated cases. No other adapted forms (such as ‘disko’ or ‘jatsi’) were found in this category. Other inflected cases included ‘bepoppia’ [Finnish partitive case of ‘bepop’] (Art. 3.1: 37), translated from ‘bepop’ (Art. 3: 49) and ‘doowopia’ [Finnish partitive case of ‘doowop’] (Art. 3.1: 37), rendered from ‘doowop’ (Art.3: 49) As can be seen, the translator had used two different ways of rendering the two similar music styles: one with a double consonant ‘p’ (‘bepoppia’) and the other with one ‘p’ (‘doowopia’). One case was entirely connected with a place name. The Bob Marley article introduced a form of music which was associated with the American city Philadelphia. The expression comes up in a passage which discusses Bob Marley’s early years in the American music market: 53 Ex. 9: Music was lush, style was flash and consumption had seldom been more conspicuous – Philly soul and blaxploitation films were the touchstones. (Art. 8: 80) Musiikki oli siistiä, tyyli näyttävää ja kulutustottumukset epäilyttäviä; Philly-soul ja blaxploitaatioleffat olivat kulmakivinä. (Art. 8.1: 48) Music was cool, style was showy and consumer habits questionable; Philly-soul and blaxploitation movies were the cornerstones. The expression ‘Philly-soul’ can only be related to the city of Philadelphia. It embodies a connotation, which suggests that something in the soul music played or created in that area makes it distinctively Philadelphian, just like a form of blues may be linked to New Orleans only. It could be argued that by transferring the source term into the target text, the connotation remains the same. Established Finnish forms were used for only three styles: ‘pop music’ (‘popmusiikki’, Art. 1.1: 47), ‘dance music’ (‘tanssimusiikki’, Art. 2.1: 47) and ‘electronic music’ (‘elektroninen musiikki’, Art. 7.1: 45), although other music styles, such as ‘funk’ (Art. 7.1: 42) , ‘soul’ (Art. 8.1: 48), ‘punk’ (Art. 11.1: 49), ‘jazz’ (Art. 7.1: 42; Art. 3.1: 35), and ‘muzak’ (Art. 7.1: 43) also appeared in the analysed examples. The latter styles are commonly written in their original form, and Kolehmainen (1981) claims that the use of the original forms of music styles may be due to the music enthusiasts’ desire to highlight their Anglo-American origins, the Anglo-American “cultural circuit”. She continues that even though ‘jazz’ is sometimes called ‘jatsi’ in Finnish, it has a playful feel to it; that is, the Finnish form is not used in serious contexts. In this light it could be argued that the need or want to appear as an “expert” is also the reason behind the translator’s decision to use the source term in the following example, taken from the Rolling Stone article. Mick Jagger discusses his lyric writing: Ex. 10: Try writing “I’m at peace with the world” in a rock tune. See where that gets you. But if you went into some country singer’s songbook, you’d find a lot more heartache than in the Rolling Stones. (Art. 4: 58) 54 Yritäpä kirjoittaa rock-biisiin “olen sovussa maailman kanssa” ja katso mihin päädyt. Mutta jos tutkisit jonkun countrylaulajan laulukirjaa, löytäisit sieltä paljon enemmän sydänsurua kuin Rolling Stonesilta. (Art. 4.1: 52) Try writing “I’m in harmony with the world” and see where you’ll end up. But if you were to check some country singer’s songbook, you’d find a whole lot more heartache than from the Rolling Stones. As can be seen, the translator has used the half-foreignized expression ‘countrylaulajan’ [country singer’s] rather than the more domesticated form ‘kantrilaulajan’ [country singer’s]. Since Soundi is a special interest magazine (McLoughlin 2000: 2), that is, a magazine focusing on one main area, music, and the language of music is primarily English, it might be that the use of English expressions in music articles is more credible than that of Finnish, even if Finnish terms are only vaguely domesticated. Paula Sajavaara (1989) supports this view by saying that in some linguistic circles only the original terms, ‘rock’ and ‘jazz’, refer to an “international phenomenon”, whereas ‘rokki’ and ‘jatsi’ are rather “laborious” (98) and they also echo less expertise. Thus it can be suggested that the use of ‘rock’n’roll’ is, in fact, more “rock’n’roll” than the use of ‘rokki’; meaning that the status of a credible music writer is further boosted by the usage of foreign terms. One foreignized expression can be considered more uncommon: the term ‘baroque’n’roll 10 ’ was not translated, but inflected to fit the Finnish syntax. The term appears in the following passage, taken from the Frank Zappa feature article, which discusses the difference of musical tastes: 10 The term ’baroque’n’roll’ is used in many different fields: fashion design, performance arts, music, etc. It can refer to the extravagant style of clothing in the Baroque era, to its furnitures, or to classical music, such as Bach. In rock music, it is mostly connected with the use of classical arrangements and (long) melodies in a song, involving strings (e.g. violin, cello) or other ”classical” instruments. Bands and artists such as The Left Banke and Yngvie Malmsteen are considered to have contributed to this genre. (www.google.com) 55 Ex. 11: Unlike the British art-rockers of the ‘60s and ‘70s, with their penchant for baroque’n’roll and their middlebrow ‘Reader’s Digest Guide To The Classics’ approach to symphonic aromas, Zappa’s taste in orchestral music was resolutely 20 th century. (Art. 3: 49) Toisin kuin 1960- ja 1970-lukujen brittiläiset taiderokkarit, jotka mieluusti ottivat omassa baroque’n’rollissaan tietyn “Valitut Palat esittää” –tyylisen otteen klassiseen musiikkiin, Zappa kuunteli 1900-luvun orkesterimusiikkia. (Art. 3.1: 37) Unlike the 1960s and 1970s British art-rockers who, in their baroque’n’roll, gladly took a certain “Reader’s Digest presents” –type of clasp on classical music, Zappa listened to 20 th century orchestral music. As stated, the expression is not used extensively in music, at least not in Finnish modern music writing. Furthermore, it does not appear to have equivalents in any language. This might be the reason why the translator has maintained the foreign appearance and only inflected the term. Although the term is foreignized, further analysis would suggest that ‘baroque’n’roll’ can be considered as what Berman calls ‘qualitative impoverishment’ (1985, in Venuti 2004: 283), that is, the term is “iconic”. The word (baroque’n’roll) bears a resemblance with the actual object (baroque’n’roll), although here the object in question is inanimate. More specifically, the word possesses something of the existence of ‘baroque’n’roll’ music. It creates an image to the reader, who might be thinking of, for example, the band members clothing themselves in the style of the baroque era, and combining it with rock music. The term could have been domesticated (e.g. ‘barokkenrolli’), but as with some other music style terms, this also appears to be used in its original form in music writing, as it conveys the meaning so effectively. There seem to be different reasons as to why Finnish equivalents are not used in some areas of special languages. Hiidenmaa points out that the Finnish language does develop valid terminology, but it is still stylistically very different to English; translated words do not convey similar “figures of speech” as in the source culture. Moreover, Finnish equivalents are generally more matter-of-fact compared to English words, which are in turn more figurative and stylistically lighter. She continues that Finnish counterparts are 56 not able to transfer those figures of speech born in another culture. Thus they are easily condemned as viable only in official documents. (2003: 15.) That is not to say that Finnish musical equivalents are not figurative enough, but that some terms do not convey the same “images” as the English words. Again, the biggest domestication strategy was ennoblement with five occurrences. Most of the translated sentences containing music styles were separated, when they were combined in the original. Some of the source sentences were lengthy, up to five lines; all of them were translated (i.e. nothing was omitted), but as in the category of ‘music production’, here the translator had also separated all full sentences (i.e. sentences including substantives and verbs) with a full stop, thus increasing the readability of the text. However, in addition to having sentences or words separated due to complex structure, there were a few cases where the separated element was considered to be of special importance in the text. For example, two-word phrases were separated in the translation to emphasise the meaning of those particular words. The following passage was taken from the Ozzy Osbourne article, where the interviewer was left surprised by the washed-out appearance of Ozzy: Ex. 12: For this self-pitying character is at odds with the gonzoid Sabbath frontman who between 1970 and 1973 helped invent the entire heavy metal genre. (Art. 10: 41) Tämä itsesäälissä vellova kuvatus on nimittäin kaukana siitä gonzoidista Sabbath-nokkamiehestä, joka oli vuosina 1970–73 mukana luomassa kokonaan uutta musiikkilajia. Hevimetallia. (Art. 10.1: 36) Because this being, wallowing in self-pity, is a far cry from the gonzoid Sabbath-frontman who between 1970–73 was one of the creators of a whole new music genre. Heavy metal. It can be argued that this small change has a significant impact: on its own the word ‘hevimetallia’ [‘heavy metal’ with a Finnish partitive case ending (-a)] has more emphasis than if it were still part of the body sentence. One reason for this division may be in the following paragraphs, which discuss the influence of Black Sabbath on today’s 57 heavy metal bands. The translator has directed the reader towards the next sections of the article by stressing the genre. This kind of elevation of words was present in three of the cases; two of them were related to heavy metal, and one to electronic music. All of them were related to the idea of “what comes next”; that is, by emphasising the genre the translator had moved the readers’ attention to the following paragraph or chapter, which discussed that particular music style. The rest of the occurrences were all rewritten because of the complexity of the source text; that is, the source text structure was too fragmented, as clauses and phrases were divided by multiple commas. The translator had compressed the central meaning into a few simple sentences. Some of the translated cases were longer than the original; the translator had added words in the target text that did not appear in the original. Most of these words were additions that did not add any vital information to the text, but where there only to make the text readable. In other words, these additions expanded the original text without adding anything new to it. There were four cases of expansion in this category; three of them added nothing, one of them added something. The next segment shows how the addition of words actually adds nothing significant to the text. It is taken from the Tom Waits interview, where the interviewer wonders how the singer is still going strong, despite his age: Ex. 13: Where your peers get cosier with age, less likely to fuck with things or scare their listeners, you, at 50, get an indie deal, an alternative rock Grammy and make increasingly edgy albums. (Art. 9: 43) Samaa ikää olevat kollegasi harvemmin sotkevat konseptejaan tai pelottelevat kuulijoitaan. Sinä oli (sic) juuri päässyt viisikymppisten kerhoon kun solmit sopimuksen indie-firman kanssa, sait Grammyn “alternative rock”-kategoriassa ja aloit tehdä toinen toistaan särmikkäämpiä albumeja. (Art. 9.1: 36) Your colleagues of the same age rarely mess up their concepts or scare their listeners. You had just reached the club for fifty-year-olds, when you signed a deal with an independent firm, received a Grammy in the “alternative rock” category and started doing albums that were edgier one after the other. 58 Although the translated text is much longer than the original, it does not reveal anything important or new in comparison to the source text. The added words and phrases can be considered as “fillers”; that is, they are there only to fill the text, not to add new information. For instance, ’you, at 50’ is not translated as ’sinä, 50-vuotiaana’, which can be considered as the literal translation, but as ’Sinä oli (sic) juuri päässyt viisikymppisten kerhoon’ [you had just reached the club for fifty-year-olds], which is a separate sentence. Furthermore, there are no explanations for unfamiliar words, such as ‘Grammy 11 ’. In addition, this extract can also be considered partly foreignized: for example, the translator has not translated the words ‘indie’ (i.e. an abbreviated form for ‘independent’) or ‘alternative rock’, although both have established forms in Finnish also (e.g. ‘riippumaton’ for ‘indie’ and ‘vaihtoehto-rock’ for ‘alternative rock’). It can be argued whether the additional words in the translation make the text more readable than the original, but they appear to add nothing to the meaning of the text. The meaning was either rationalized or clarified in four of the translated cases; two rationalizations and one clarification were found in relation to music styles. Again, in both of the rationalized cases a verb was added to a sentence which had no verb in the original. As Newmark has pointed out (1982), the translator’s task is to assist the reader (128); if the source text is “badly” written, he/she can replace clumsy structures with elegant ones and clarify the emphasis of the sentences (127). According to Linda McLoughlin, magazines, such as music magazines, are easy-to-read formats (2000: xii, 2); for this reason, the readers are expecting texts that are understandable. As the examples of clarification in ‘music production’, here the one clarified occurrence was also an effort to make the text appear more transparent than the original. Again, the source text writer had left the meaning unclear, and the translator had attempted to clarify it for the readers. The Tom Waits interview introduced a music genre that can be considered as unfamiliar in the field of rock music: in the source text the term 11 A Grammy, or the Grammy Award, is an award given by The Recording Academy for ”artistic achievement, technical proficiency and overall excellence in the recording industry, without regard to album sales or chart position”. The award ceremony has been held in the United States for 50 consecutive years. (www.grammy.com.) 59 ‘mariachi 12 ’ (Art. 9: 44) was used without any reference to music. To avoid any misunderstandings, the translator had clarified the meaning of ‘mariachi’ by adding the word ‘musiikki’ [music] to it (e.g. mariachi-musiikki, Art. 9.1: 38). Thus the reader will be aware of ‘mariachi’ being a music genre, and its relation to Mexican folk songs is clearer. Furthermore, ‘mariachi’ is a culture-specific term, which does not have equivalents in Finnish. The term was transferred from the source language to the target language, and an explanation was added to it. On the other hand, in such cases there is always the possibility to generalise; that is, the translator could have translated the specific term (mariachi) with a more general one (e.g. ‘meksikolainen kansanmusiikki’ [Mexican folk music]), thus avoiding the use of foreign elements and familiarizing the text further. From the total of 145 translated cases, only two source language idioms or expressions were replaced with target text equivalents; both fell into the category of music styles. As pointed out previously, in this study idiom refers to a well-known phrase, expression or proverb. Both cases included the idiom ‘music to my ears’ (Art. 4: 64; Art. 9: 46); meaning that what you have heard was exactly what you wanted to hear (Using English). Both occurrences were translated as ‘se oli musiikkia korvilleni’ (Art. 4.1: 54; Art. 9.1: 36). For example, when Ron Wood joined the Rolling Stones, he was relieved that somebody else would be the one “calling the shots”, and that he would be able to concentrate on playing the guitar, especially slide guitar, which was his big dream. When he realised this, it was “music to his ears” (Art. 4: 64). In Berman’s view the source language idiom is “ruined” even if the target text equivalent conveys the exact meaning of the original, because the translator’s task is “not to search for equivalences” (1985, in Venuti 2004: 287). In other words, it could be argued that Berman encourages translators to use the source language idioms in target texts. However, it can also be criticised whether the use of the original English idiom (’music to my ears’) would be very reader-friendly, when a domestic equivalent also exists. 12 Mariachi, a music form originating from Mexico, is performed with violins, trumpets, guitars, as well as Mexican guitars called vihuela and guitarró, and a Mexican folk harp. Nowadays the performers dress in similar ornamented clothing. A vital part of mariachi is dancing. (www.mariachi.org/history.html) 60 Another type of infrequent language use was exoticized forms; that is, the use of the vernacular, or spoken language form, of the original was replaced with a target text version. Although Kanerva (2006) has pointed out that in Soundi the use of slang or dialect is not encouraged, there were a few cases where the target text was trying to imitate the source text, by using Finnish dialect or slang. The following example, from the Ozzy Osbourne article, shows how the source text slang was replaced with a target text equivalent. The passage is taken from a longer passage, which introduced rock music styles. Ozzy Osbourne talks about how he met his former guitarist Randy Rhoads: Ex. 14: He says, “Whaddaya want me to play?” I says, “You got a solo?” He says, “Well, kinda…” (Art. 10: 42) Hän kysyi: “Pitikö mun soittaa jotain?” Vastasin kysymällä, onko hänellä mielessä yhtään hyvää sooloa. Hän sanoi: “Tavallaan kyllä…” (Art. 10.1: 38) He asked: “Was I supposed to play something?” I answered by asking if he had any good solos in mind. He said: “Well, in a way yes…” The source text contains colloquial speech, which the translator has tried to imitate in the translation. However, he has only used slang when Ozzy directly quotes Randy’s speech; for example, ’Whaddaya want me to play?’ is rendered as ’Pitikö mun soittaa jotain?’ {Was I supposed to play something?]. However, the informal saying ’Well, kinda’ was not translated similarly, since the Finnish form ’Tavallaan kyllä’ [In a way yes] is more standard than informal. An informal translation would have been, for example, ’Vähän niinku joo’ [Well, sort of like yes]. Furthermore, the dialectal source form ‘I says’ was not translated to a dialectal target form, but to a more formal type of Finnish, which is in line with the rest of the article. All in all, such use of slang was not noticeable in many of the cases (three altogether), presumably because there was slang in only two of the source text articles; peculiarly both articles were of British artists (Ozzy Osbourne and the Rolling Stones). 61 3.3 Technical Descriptions of Musical Equipment The third and final category consisted of musical equipment and their technical descriptions. This means that, for example, a musical instrument, such as a guitar, is connected to a pedal, creating a specific sound. However, a pedal cannot create sounds on its own, it has to be connected to a musical instrument. There were 28 cases in this category (19,3% of all domesticated cases), of which 10 were domesticated and 18 foreignized. Almost 65 per cent (64, 3%) of the cases were foreignized. As previously, most of them were transferred from the source text in their original form and the translator had only inflected the terms to match the Finnish sentence structure. Most of the cases appeared in the Nirvana article which discussed the band’s last recording session in detail. Furthermore, many of the cases appeared in the same passage; that is, a paragraph of 2– 4 sentences introduced multiple foreign technical descriptions. The following extract is from the Nirvana article, where the producer Robert Lang reviews Kurt Cobain’s choices of instrument: Ex. 15: He used the studio’s Marshall 50 watt combo, which he hated, and my pedal board which luckily had a Boss distortion pedal on it. (Art. 1: 47) Niinpä Kurt päätyi inhostaan huolimatta käyttämään studion 50 wattista Marshallin comboa ja minun pedaalilautaani, jossa onneksi oli kiinni yksi Bossin särö. (Art. 1.1: 49) So despite his disgust, Kurt ended up using the studio’s 50 watt Marshall combo and my pedal board which fortunately had a Boss distortion pedal attached to it. The similar pattern of inflected occurrences continues in this example: both brand names (Marshall and Boss) have been inflected to Finnish (‘Marshallin’ and ‘Bossin’ [Marshall and Boss, with end vowels (-i) and Finnish genitive cases, (-n)]), as well as 62 the word ‘combo 13 ’ (‘comboa’ [Finnish partitive case of ‘combo’]). As the term ‘combo’ does not have a Finnish equivalent, it is mainly used in its original form (or inflected), as a number of other terms. The decision to leave the foreign brand names in the text can be seen as a type of emphasis; that is, it was with the help of Marshall’s 50 watt combo and Boss’ distortion pedal that Kurt Cobain created his part of the final Nirvana album. In addition, both brands are available also in Finland and thus familiar in the target culture as well. However, leaving the foreign brand names out of the translation would not change the overall point made. Other inflections included, for example, ’vocoderin [Finnish genitive case (-in) of ’vocoder 14 ’] (Art. 7.1: 42), which is normally used in its foreign form with an end vowel (-i). Again, a term such as this, which does not reveal much of its function, requires the reader to have sufficient background knowledge in order to understand the meaning. Another foreignized case was the inflected term ‘reverbiä’ (Art. 1.1: 50). The use of the term can be questioned, as it has a Finnish counterpart (‘jälkikaiunta(laite)’, Ervola 2001: 172), which the translator could have used. However, the motive for the usage may be found from the context in which the term appears, as can be seen from the following extract. The discussion is on one of Nirvana’s songs which had been recorded seven years before its release: Ex. 16: Prior to its release Novoselic told David Fricke that few changes were made to the mix other than “maybe a little bit of reverb”; otherwise it sounded much like it did when recorded seven years earlier. (Art. 1: 49) …ja ennen sen julkaisua Novoselic kertoi David Frickelle, ettei alkuperäiseen raakamiksaukseen nähden eroa ollut juuri missään. Mitä nyt “ehkä pikkuisen reverbiä” lisätty. (Art. 1.1: 50) 13 In rock music a combo, deriving from the word ”combination”, contains an amplifier and guitar speakers in a single unit (Wikipedia). It can also refer to a small jazz band (Zerenska-Gebert&Lampinen: 2002: 71). 14 The vocoder was invented by Homer Dudley in the 1930s. The term comes from ‘voice’ and ‘encoder’, and it is a device for analysing and synthesising human voice. The voice comes out sounding like a robot, metallic and monotonous. (http://www.obsolete.com/120_years/machines/vocoder/; http://www.tech- faq.com/vocoder.shtml.) 63 …and before it was released, Novoselic told David Fricke that there was no clear difference compared to the original raw-mix. Maybe “a bit of reverb” was added. The term occurs in a quoted passage, which can be said to contain the “attitude” of the cited person. It can thus be argued that as in example 4 (on page 38), the translator has attempted to copy the precise source text attitude and jargon in the target text. On the other hand, had the translator omitted the term entirely, the text would have arguably lost none of its meaning, since the inflected term is not the most central part of the text. Nevertheless, many of the foreignized cases presented almost identical inflections of jargon, but none of the descriptions were direct loans. The most used domestication strategy was ennoblement, with four occurrences. Also the pattern was similar to the other two music categories; the translations had several sentences, while the source text had only one or two. As Jorma Miettinen has stated, a writer of journalistic material should use simple sentences, comprising 8–12 words. If the word count in one sentence is more than 18, its fluency becomes blurred as the reader struggles to understand the central meaning. (1988: 165.) Here the source text has two separate sentences, but especially the first one is full of information separated by commas. The translator has decided to divide it into multiple sentences. Thus the line of thought is easier to follow and fluency is yet again improved. However, the sentence does include foreign features as well; the English word ‘riff’ has attained a Finnish end vowel (-i). But as the word ‘riff’ has no equivalent in Finnish, it can be considered as an adaptation. In fact, the word has been rooted into the Finnish music magazine market as well, as the periodical Riffi has been published since 1997 (www.riffi.com). The second most used domestication strategy was expansion with three occurrences. Expanded texts were similar to those of the two other categories; that is, both counterparts of expansion (i.e. “add something” and “add nothing”) were found. The case adding nothing was almost identical with the example in the music styles category; that is, the target text version appeared much lengthier than the source text, as the translator had added words that were not in the original. These excess words did not, however, reveal anything important about the issue at hand. The translator had also 64 made an attempt to explain various unfamiliar descriptions, as can be seen from the below extract, where the writer of the Frank Zappa feature deliberates on how the artist’s style was constantly changing when new and exciting equipment emerged to the field of music: Ex. 17: The late 70’s invention of locking tremolo systems added a new dimension to his adroit, idiosyncratic playing: the incorporation of truly ungodly swoops, howls and growls into his already formidable arsenal. (Art. 3: 50) 1970-luvun lopulla keksitty vibrakammen lukitusjärjestelmä lisäsi uuden ulottuvuuden hänen joutuisaan ja idiosynkraattiseen soittotapaansa. Systeemin myötä Zappan jo muutenkin kattava tyyli kasvoi käsittämään entistä jumalattomampia karjahduksia, kiljahduksia ja sukelluksia. (Art. 3.1: 38) The late 1970’s invention of locking tremolo systems added a new dimension to his quick and idiosyncratic way of playing. The system allowed Zappa to grow his already comprehensive style to include even more ungodly roars, squeals and dives. Again, one could argue that in order to make the text more understandable for the “common” reader as well, the unfamiliar elements should be explained in target culture terms. However, sometimes even the target language terms do not help the reader, if his/her background information on the subject is not sufficient. For example, in order to understand how this new invention of ‘locking tremolo systems 15 ’ helped Zappa in reality, the reader should know what a ‘vibrakampi’ [tremolo arm] is, as well as how it is locked. Moreover, neither the source nor the target text passage let the reader know what instrument this description alludes to. Although the translator rendered the account in Finnish, the amount of specialised language was not reduced. Also the rationalized cases were comparable to those of the previous categories; a verb was missing from all seven of the source text passages, and in each case they were 15 “A tremolo locking device for an electric guitar or similar stringed instrument has a lower part that is fastened to the guitar body and an upper part that can be pivoted by use of the guitarist's fingers into or out of engagement with an edge of the tremolo base plate. The upper part can have a threaded barrel member into which a knurled screw is adjustable to establish a gap or recess that engages the base plate.” (http://www.patentstorm.us/patents/5986192.html) 65 added to the translations. Some of the source sentences were long and contained unexplained expressions, such as ‘a little bit of compression’ (Art. 1: 48), which was translated as ‘vähän kompressoria’ (Art. 1.1: 49); but the use of verbs in the target texts gave the sentences more coherence and the text became easier to follow. Technical descriptions can be considered as music jargon and an occasional reader may feel confused when reading such passages, especially if the foreign terms and expressions are left in the text without explanation. Simplifying sentence structures is one way of helping the reader, but as features of a well-written magazine article link with domestication and fluency, the use of foreign words can be problematic. As Paula Sajavaara has argued, the problem is especially style-related: foreign words do not fit every text style (1989: 73). Special languages, such as medical and music terminology, can and do introduce foreign expressions and terms regularly, but standard language, such as everyday speech, should be common and understandable for all members of a language community. Thus if the use of foreign expressions is necessary and such terms are used in everyday communication between different people, Sajavaara urges to adapt foreign terms for everyday use by, for example, simplifying the pronunciation of the words. (88.) This can mean the replacing of the ”foreign” characters such as ’c’ and ’g’ with more familiar letters like ’k’. As a result, terms such as ‘compressor’ becomes ‘kompressori’, and ‘timing’ (Art. 1: 47) becomes ‘taimaus’ (Art 1.1: 49). The strategy of clarification, in turn, was noticeable in only one occurrence. As previously, the target text revealed something behind the words and expressions of the source text. However, it can be argued whether the description of the target text is elucidated enough, since it does not replace the foreign element from the text. The translator had attempted to clarify what it meant when ’Bailey plugged a Theremin into an Echoplex to demonstrate the spluttering sounds he’d discovered’ (Art. 1: 46), rendering it as follows ‘...Baileyn esiteltyä, millaista pulputusta oli saanut aikaan ajaessaan Thereminin signaalin klassisen Echoplex-nauhakaikulaitteen lävitse’ [...after Bailey demonstrated what kind of percolating sounds he had produced when running a Theremin signal through an Echoplex tape-echo machine] (Art. 1.1: 49). As can be seen, the foreign brand names are left as they are in the source text, but additional 66 information has been inserted into the target text. The purpose of ’Theremin 16 ’ has been specified; that is, the translator has explained that one needs to "run a signal from Theremin” for it to work. Furthermore, ’Echoplex’ has been clarified to mean ’a tape- echo machine’ (nauhakaikulaite). Although these small clarifications do not completely explain the terms, they give more information than the original. Additionally, a more thorough explanation of the terms might not even be possible, because of the length restrictions of the magazine. 3.4 Music in the Finnish Articles In order to see whether there were any difference in the usage of English terms between the translated articles and the Finnish articles, the latter were also examined. The music- related English cases were divided according to the three music-related categories, and then compared to the translated articles. Rather surprisingly the number of music-related English terms was higher than in the translated articles. Out of the 265 found cases, the category of ‘music production’ included 225 (84,9% of the total), whereas the second biggest category, ‘technical descriptions of musical equipment’, contained 28 cases (10,5%). ‘Music styles’ included only 12 cases (4,5%). The high amount of cases in the Finnish articles may be due to the fact that all articles were interviews where the bands or artists talked about their making of albums. The translated articles included also features of bands, where the music-related foreign vocabulary was not as “rich” as in the interviews, with the exception of the Nirvana article. A more detailed analysis of the English music-related terms revealed that out of the 265 music-related cases, 189 cases were inflected (71,3% of the total), and the remaining 76 cases adapted (28,7%). Figure 4 illustrates the percentages and total numbers of the inflected cases. Furthermore, since the present study considers adaptations as forms of domestication and inflections as ways to foreignize (see page 43), the analysed cases in 16 The Theremin, or Thereminvox, was the first electronic musical instrument. Invented in 1919 by Russian Lev Sergeivitch Termen (later anglicised to Léon Théremin), the Theremin consisted of a box with two radio antenna, which required no physical contact in order to produce music. A performer could control both the pitch and volume of the sound simply by moving his/her hands in the air near the antennas. (www.thereminvox.com.) 67 the Finnish articles can be divided into the same strategies; that is, domestication and foreignization. 68,9 % 83,3 % 85,7 % 0,0 % 10,0 % 20,0 % 30,0 % 40,0 % 50,0 % 60,0 % 70,0 % 80,0 % 90,0 % music production (155) music styles (10) technical descriptions of musical equipment (24) Figure 4: Inflected music-related cases in the Finnish articles. As can be seen from the figure, all of the music-related categories had more inflected cases than adapted ones. This would suggest that the use of foreign musical terms is not bound to translations only; they are also used widely in domestic texts. Furthermore, most of the cases appeared in direct quotes, which supports the view that musicians tend to prefer foreign expressions to Finnish ones. This is visible, for example, in the music styles category; where adapted and fixed terms such as ’rokki’ or ‘rocki’ (in their basic form) were found only once in two of the articles. All other cases referring to rock music were written as ‘rock’ or ‘rock’n’roll’. Both forms were also used multiple times as inflections, for example, ‘rockia’ [Finnish partitive case (-ia) of ‘rock’] (Art. 16: 53) or rock’n’rollin [Finnish genitive case (-in) of rock’n’roll] (Art. 14: 97). In addition, the Finnish articles introduced terms that were not found in the translated articles, and which are normally used in their domesticated form. In the article of Zen Café, a Finnish pop-rock band, the singer Samuli Putro talks about their rehearsals: 68 Ex. 18: Pete värkkäsi just koneen kanssa kämpillä jotain arria ja me kaksi istuttiin kaljalla terassilla… (Art. 16: 52) Pete was just tinkering with some “arr” on the machine at the flat and we two were sitting and having beer at a terrace… The passage, from the ‘music production’ category, is a direct quote from the interviewee, who uses both common slang (‘värkkäsi’ [was tinkering]) and musical jargon (‘arria’ [Finnish partitive case (-ia) of ‘arr’). The word ‘arria’ comes from the English abbreviation ‘arr.’, meaning the arranger, or arrangement of music (Ervola 2001: 20). It also has a Finnish counterpart, ‘sovittaja’ [arranger] or ‘sovitus’ [arrangement]. Although the term is not used in a translated article, Kanerva’s point about the “attitude” of the interviewee is applicable here too; direct quotes are rendered as they have been said, even if some of the used terms appear unfamiliar. Other used foreign terms included, for example, brand names of guitars: ‘Gibson’, ‘Fender’ and ‘Rickenbacker’ were inflected as ‘Gibsoneita’ [Finnish plural form (-eita) of ‘Gibson’], ‘Fendereitä’ [Finnish plural form (-eitä) of ‘Fender’] and ‘Rickenbackerkin’ [Finnish affix particle (-kin) of ‘Rickenbacker’] (Art. 15: 47). The writer had wanted to emphasise that particularly these guitars were found in the studio of the Swedish band Kent. Most of the terms and expressions were similar to those of the translated articles. For instance, the adapted term ‘soundi’ [‘a sound’ with a Finnish end vowel (-i)] was found in several articles in its basic form (.g. Art. 12: 55; Art. 14: 98; Art. 15: 48), as well as inflected (e.g. ‘soundeja’ [sounds], Art. 12: 55). However, the one verb form of the term was written differently than in the translated article example (see page 5); this time the writer had used the form ‘soundaa’ (Art. 13: 113), rather than ‘saundaa’. Other already familiar adaptations like ‘riffi’ [‘riff’ with a Finnish end vowel (-i)] and ‘riffitellä’ [‘to riff’] appeared in the Finnish articles as well (e.g. Art. 13: 111, 112, 113; Art. 14: 95). 69 Additionally, the usage of direct loans was in line with the translated articles; that is, only a few citation loans were found from the Finnish articles. Most of the terms came from the Apocalyptica article, where their tour and shows are discussed at length: Ex. 19: Brixton täyttyy nopeasti ja Apocalyptican showtime on pian edessä. (Art. 14: 98) Brixton fills up quickly and Apocalyptica’s showtime is soon ahead. The Finnish equivalent for the term ‘showtime’ is ‘ohjelman alkamisaika’ (Ervola 2001: 187), but, as argued before, the domesticated form may sound too formal and not music- related enough for a music writer. In fact, the Finnish term has an “official feel” to it, and such expressions are mostly used in manuals (e.g. dishwasher manuals). Hiidenmaa argues that sometimes a foreign expression is called for because it bears a different kind of image compared to a Finnish one (2003: 98). Thus, the word ‘showtime’, used in a Finnish context, may be more close to the starting of a musical show than the Finnish counterpart. It could also be argued that the more English the term, the more credible the writer. The same line of reasoning can be applicable to the other direct loans as well; the writer had used terms such as ‘Greatest Hits’ (Art. 15: 48), ‘backstage’ (Art. 14: 97) and ‘heavy’ (Art. 13: 110), although each has a domestic equivalent: ‘kokoelmalevy’ or ‘suurimmat hitit’ for ‘Greatest Hits’, ‘takahuone’ for ‘backstage’ and the adapted form ‘hevi’ for ‘heavy’. This, in turn, tells that such impregnation of English into Finnish is not a question of lack of equivalents. The writer’s decision to use English terms in an originally Finnish text can be considered as ”domesticated foreignness”; that is, the terms in a Finnish text are foreign in both appearance and origin, but are used so widely in Finnish that they have become domestic, and thus acknowledged, terms. 70 4 CONCLUSIONS The purpose of this thesis was to study the impregnation of English into Finnish mainly in the translated articles of Soundi magazine. I chose 11 translations, published in 2004– 2005, and compared them to their British or American originals. My hypothesis was that because the language of popular music is English, it has also had an effect on the translated articles from English into Finnish, and that it is specifically noticeable in the musical vocabulary. Against the background of the English influence in Finland, I also studied originally Finnish articles for English impregnation to see if similar English terms were used in the Finnish articles as well. This would suggest that the foreign terms and expressions have actually been domesticated. The translation strategies relevant for this study were, accordingly, domestication and foreignization. I applied Lawrence Venuti’s ideas of the aforementioned strategies, as well as Antoine Berman’s views on the 12 “deforming tendencies” of domestication. The central idea of domestication and foreignization is that the translator either chooses to replace the foreign features of the source text with those of the target culture, or to preserve them in the target text as well. The method he/she chooses will determine if his/her visibility or invisibility; if the foreign elements are kept in the target text as well, they will highlight the fact that the text is a translation of the original, and the translator becomes visible. If, however, the foreign features are replaced with target text equivalents, the invisibility of the translator is enhanced, because it creates an impression that the translation is actually the original. In addition to Venuti’s ideas, Antoine Berman’s tendencies provided useful ways to compare domestication and foreignization, although not all of them were applicable in this study. As the tendencies mostly concentrate on texts of prose and poetry, some of them were omitted from this study; more precisely, only six of the 12 tendencies were used in the analysis. The chosen tendencies were rationalization, clarification, expansion, ennoblement, the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization, and the destruction of expressions and idioms, and the translated cases were classified according to them. Furthermore, as the tendencies were so closely linked to one another 71 (i.e. one tendency required another one, or two tendencies had very similar principles), their criteria were edited particularly for this study. The unveiling of the translation process of Soundi magazine providedmore detailed information on how certain elements were translated. Before publishing, the translated articles in Soundi undergo a thorough editing process. According to Timo Kanerva, the chief editor of Soundi magazine, the most important criteria for the publishing of an article is the interest of the readers and the topicality of the subject. This is one of the reasons why Soundi has bought rights for two British music magazines (Mojo and Q magazine); they will be able to publish up-to-date information of bands and artists, even if they are not able to do the interviews or features themselves. Moreover, the right to publish any article from their British peer magazines means that the Soundi staff is allowed to modify the articles if needed; they may delete, add or replace information, and publish it with the acknowledgment of copyright. In fact, most of the published articles are edited drastically, because of the length of the source text. As Soundi is only about 100 pages long, the articles cannot be too lengthy, and thus all information not related to music, or not of current interest, is omitted. However, occasionally the magazine publishes features on bands or artists that are not of current interest; one of these was the Frank Zappa article introduced in this study. Although Soundi has no guidelines for translators, excessive use of slang and dialect is not accepted. The source texts do not introduce much colloquialisms, but if they do, it is mainly because of the interviewee and his “attitude” (i.e. the words the interviewee uses, be they slang, dialect or jargon). In such cases the translators also attempt to copy that “attitude” with appropriate words. This, in turn, means that at least a few cases of slang, jargon and dialect appear in the articles. The findings showed that although the translator had domesticated some of the terms, most of them were still foreignized. In fact, almost 70 per cent of the translated cases (98 occurrences out of 145) were foreignized. The biggest of the three music-related categories was music production with 63 cases. Out of those 63 cases, 42 (67%) were foreignized and 21 (33%) domesticated. The second biggest category included 54 cases, 72 out of which 38 (70%) were foreignized and 16 (30%) domesticated. The third category, technical descriptions of musical equipment, contained 28 cases; 18 (64%) foreignized and 10 (36%) domesticated. The translated cases varied from single words to lengthy expressions. The foreignized terms comprised mostly inflected cases and direct loans. The inflected expressions included words such as ‘sliden’ [Finnish genitive case (-n) of ‘slide’], ‘comboa’ [Finnish partitive case (-a) of ‘combo] and ‘rock’n’rollin’ [Finnish genitive case (-in) of ‘rock’n’roll’]. Some of the cases were citation, or direct, loans, like ‘beat’ and ‘Project/Object’. Many of the foreignized cases appeared in direct quotes; that is, the interviewer/writer had quoted the interviewee directly, and those quotes included musical jargon. This finding supports the view that musicians prefer foreign terms to Finnish ones. Furthermore, the translator’s decision to preserve the foreign expressions in the target texts is also in line with Kanerva’s point about the “attitude” of the interviewee (i.e. the translator keeps the jargon or slang in the target text as well). Sometimes the translator’s decisions to use foreign elements were not, however, clear. Many of the cases had Finnish equivalents, but they were not used in the translations (e.g. ‘alternative rock’ was not translated as ‘vaihtoehtorokki’, but left as is). In addition to being inflected and transferred directly from the source text, some of the cases were also adapted to Finnish: ‘beat’ was occasionally referred to as ‘biitti’ (although the term was used in its original form also), and ‘to sound’ as ‘soundaa’ [Finnish third singular form of ‘soundata’, ’to sound’]. These terms were considered as domestications, as their forms were adapted to resemble the Finnish vocabulary better. After the domesticated cases were classified according to Berman’s deforming tendencies, the findings showed that most of the cases were ennobled (i.e. the rendered text was more readable and less complex than the original); more precisely, 16 of the total of 47 domesticated cases (34%) were translated according to the strategy of ennoblement. For example, many of the source text sentence structures were complex and long, and the translator had clarified the structures by separating the different sentences with full stops. 73 The second biggest domestication strategy was expansion (i.e. the text was lengthier than the original, and the additional information either added “nothing” or added “something), with 12 cases (26% of the domesticated total). Some of the additional information in the target text versions did not add anything new about the subject at hand, or was not even related to the most central meaning of the text; they were merely “filling” the text. However, there were also cases where the translator had either replaced the foreign element with a domestic one, or added some new and valuable information that did not appear in the source text, thus further clarifying the meaning. The aim of the third and fourth most used strategies, rationalization and clarification (respectively) can be linked with expansion: the aim is to further clarify the meaning of the text. In this study rationalization meant the translation of verbs as nouns, or vice versa, or the adding of a verb to a sentence which had no verb in the source text. Clarification, in turn, meant the adding (not replacing) of an explanation to a foreign expression. Rationalization was used in 10 of the domesticated cases (21%), and clarification in five (11%). In all of the rationalized sentences the translator had added a verb to the text, because there was no verb in the source text, which made the text difficult to follow. In the clarified cases the translator had kept the foreign term in the text, but added a domesticated explanation to help the readers (e.g. the source text expressions ‘PA system’ was rendered as ‘PA, äänentoisto’ in the translation). The least used strategies were the destruction of vernacular networks or their exoticization (i.e. the replacement of the source text colloquial speech with a target text equivalent), and the destruction of expressions and idioms (i.e. the replacement of well- known source text phrases with target text equivalents); both contained only two cases. In both cases of vernacular speech, the translator rendered the speech of the interviewee in colloquial forms, such as ‘mä’ for ‘I’. Furthermore, the Finnish form of ’rock’, ’rokki’, was used only in these colloquial cases. Also in both cases of idiom replacements, the source text idiom ‘music to my ears’ was replaced with the domestic equivalent ‘se oli musiikkia korvilleni’. 74 In addition to this, the Finnish articles were analysed in order to see whether the English impregnation was as heavy as in the translated articles. The end results showed that out of the 410 music-related terms that were collected from all of the translated and Finnish articles, 265 (65%) appeared in the latter. Most of the cases were foreign and identical to those in the translated articles; inflected terms such as ‘arria’ [Finnish partitive case (- ia) of the abbreviated form of ‘arrangement’] and ‘rock’n’rollia’ [Finnish partitive case (-ia) of ‘rock’n’roll’] or ‘rock’n’rollista’ [Finnish elative case (-ista) of ‘rock’n’roll’] appeared frequently. However, common Finnish adaptations such as ‘rokki’ were found only rarely. There were also direct loans, like ‘backstage’ and ‘showtime’, and adaptations such as ‘soundi’ [sound]. The majority of the terms was introduced in interviewee quotes. All of the Finnish articles were, in fact, interviews, which may be one of the reasons why the amount of musical terms was so big compared to the translated articles, which also contained features of bands and artists. As can be seen, the musical terminology is dominated by English in both translations and originally domestic articles of Soundi magazine. Although some of the terms have equivalents in Finnish, they seem to be used only seldom. One reason for this might be the aspect of credibility; as popular music vocabulary originated in the English language, the use of English terms is still more credible than that of domesticated terms, which are thought to be too “ordinary” and lacking the feel of a specialised language. Even though the aim of this study was not to criticise the translators’ decisions to keep the foreign expressions in the text, such usage might create problems for an “occasional” reader of music magazines. In fact, the background knowledge of the reader becomes a crucial factor in understanding the more jargon-filled texts. If the reader has no previous knowledge of musical terminology, he/she might not comprehend the meaning of terms like ‘reverb’ or ‘vocoder’. Furthermore, the articles Soundi publishes do not resemble the originals as much as the readers might think. Although the readers are aware of the fact that the articles are translations, they do not know the extent of editing they go through before publishing. Because of the scope of the omissions, the translated articles have become almost independent texts where the content of the original is translated quite freely. The 75 decisions behind this may be linked with reader expectations; after all, a translation is usually meant for the target text readers and should thus be reader-oriented. However, it is a known fact that music magazines are full of terms originating from English. This impregnation is, in turn, against the idea of fluency and domestication, which is usually the dominant strategy used in magazine translation; meaning that in translated magazine articles the foreign elements are domesticated more often than not (see discussion in 3.2). However, if the foreign musical expressions are set aside and the focus is moved solely to the sentence level, then the message seems to be the opposite: the target texts are at times more comprehensible than the source texts, because their sentence structure is more simple; that is, they contain, for example, verbs and nouns, whereas the source text might not contain a verb at all. This would suggest that the translator has attempted to make the text more fluent, and thus, more domesticated. As can be seen, music magazine translation may sometimes be a complicated type of translation, because it can introduce foreign elements but also domesticate them. As musical terminology is continuously changing, inventing new domestic equivalents becomes more challenging. Nevertheless, this study offers a variety of ideas for further research. For example, the musical terminology of translated articles could be studied and compared in different music periodicals, such as classical music magazines and rock music magazines. 76 WORKS CITED: Primary sources: Bradley, Lloyd (2005). Bob Marley. Mojo. British edition, March, 69-81. Cameron, Keith (2004). Who's The Daddy? Mojo. British edition, June, 70-80. Fricke, David (2005). Back With A Bang. Rolling Stone. September, 54-66. Gaar, Gillian G. (2004). Nirvana: The Lost Tapes. Mojo. British edition, May, 44-48. Murray, Saar Charles (2004). The Father Of Invention. Mojo. British edition, January, 46-51. Odell, Michael (2005). Three Kings. Q Magazine. British edition, May, 68-76. Rees, Paul (2004). Riders On The Storm. Q Magazine. British edition, November, 69-76. Simmons, Sylvie (2004). No title. (Tom Waits interview). Mojo. British edition, October, 43-46. Trynka, Paul (2005). No title. (Iggy Pop interview). Mojo. British edition, August, 43-46. Wall, Mick (2005). No title. (Ozzy Osbourne interview). Mojo. British edition, June, 41-46. Witter, Simon (2005). Paranoid Androids? Mojo. British edition, September, 46-52. Bradley, Lloyd (2005). Bob Marley: Kolmannen maailman ensimmäinen ja viimeinen supertähti. Translated by Antti Marttinen. Soundi, March, 40-48. Cameron, Keith (2004). Morrissey: Mieluummin olisin vaiti, ja antaisin musiikin puhua. Translated by Petri Silas. Soundi, June-July, 57-62. Fricke, David (2005). The Rolling Stones: Salama iskee yhä uudelleen. 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